livedoor2009年11月22日
韓国で、胎児の闇売買取引(Source: A; Jazeera, November 21, 2009)
The illegal sale of children makes up more than half of all the cases of human trafficking around the world, according to recent estimates.
Traditionally it has involved the exploitation of children in poorer nations, but an Al Jazeera investigation has found that it is also happening in developed countries, such as South Korea.
For four months, Al Jazeera surfed community boards on popular Korean internet sites, and found an underground trade where pregnant women can sell their unborn children.
The few cases that have surfaced have alarmed the government so much that it is believed to have formed a special task force to bring human-trafficking laws up to date, Al Jazeera's Steve Chao says.
One of the challenges is how to give authorities the power to better police the murky world of the internet.
Twenty years ago the United Nations adopted the Convention of the Rights of the Child. The CRC or UNCRC, sets out the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of children.
As of December 2008, 193 signatories had ratified it, including every member of the UN except the US and Somalia.
The treaty restricts the involvement of children in military conflicts and prohibits the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography.
Unborn children for sale in S Korea
The UNCRC has been used as a blueprint for child protection legislation around the world.
However, the treaty's promise to protect children has not always been kept.
Onus on government
Lisa Laumann, from the Save the Children charity, says it is up to both the government and the community to protect children.
"Intergovernmental organisations like the United Nations provide the framework around which governments can come together to agree on what good practice is and how governments should behave legally on behalf of their citizens," she told Al Jazeera.
"But it's up to the governments themselves to draft that legislation, develop the systems and institutions that guarantee those rights.
"There also has to be an effort made to help communities, families and children themselves, to understand what rights mean for them and how they can support them."
ストレスマネージメント年末も迫ってきました。アンゴラでは、12月2週目から、ほとんどものごとが動かなくなります。それは政府も民間も、多くの人が「お休みモード」に入ってしまうからです。ですから、実質的に、1月20日現在の時点で、「今年は、あと2週間」しか残っていないといっても過言ではありません。
対内的にも、対外的にも、今年を締めくくるイベントやミーティング、提出書類が雪崩のように押し寄せて、すべての人を圧迫しています。個人レベルでも職場レベルでも、全体のシステムレベルでも、ストレス負荷が、高くなっています。
こうした状況では、ストレスマネージメントがとても大事になってきます。段取りを組みつつも、刻々と変化する状況に対応するだけの柔軟性が必要になります。そして、変化した状況を冷静に受け止めて、有効な判断を下すことが求められます。
特に、プロジェクトマネージャーの立場では、扇の要というのか、上司、部下といった「縦の関係」だけでなく、発注業者や関係省庁と言った「横の関係」の情報共有や、全体の目配りが求められます。
それらを眺めて、状況によっては、あきらめるものはあきらめて、「最低限、何を守らねばならないのか」を優先させます。そしてその「守るべきもの」について、意識を共有します。
そのように行動するためには、「状況判断」と「静と動の使い分け」が、とても大事だと思います。どんなに忙しくても、必ず落ち着いて状況を整理しなおす時間をつくることが、状況判断を的確なものにしてくれます。
指示を出すべきプロジェクトマネージャーが、筋違いな指示を出して、全体を混乱させているようだと、そのうち、指示に従わない人が多く出始めて、それぞれの現場で勝手な判断をするようになります。すると、混乱に拍車がかかって、収拾がつかなくなることも多々あります。
だからこそ、責任ある立場にある人は、忙しい時こそ、一服する必要があります。そしてなるべく仕事を周りに振って、自分自身のするべきことをするだけの余裕を意識的に作ることが必要なのではないでしょうか。
今、まさに僕はそのような状況に置かれています。特に来週は、今年一年の山場を迎えます。無事に乗り切って、いい年末年始を迎えたいと思います。
2009年ラテンアメリカ社会展望報告書（国連ラテンアメリカ・カリブ経済委員会）域内で、900万人が貧困層に転落と予測Informe Panorama Social de América Latina 2009:
CEPAL proyecta que nueve millones de personas caerán en pobreza a causa de la crisis en 2009
En 2009 los pobres en América Latina aumentarían en 1,1% y los indigentes en 0,8% en relación con el año pasado.
(19 de noviembre, 2009) La actual crisis financiera que afecta al mundo provocará que 9 millones de personas caigan en situación de pobreza en la región en 2009, según el informe de la CEPAL Panorama social de América Latina 2009, presentado hoy.
En el estudio, la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe proyecta que la pobreza en la región aumentaría 1,1% y la indigencia 0,8%, en relación con 2008. De esta forma, las personas en situación de pobreza pasarán de 180 a 189 millones en 2009 (34,1% de la población), mientras que las personas en situación de indigencia aumentarían de 71 a 76 millones (13,7% de la población).
Estas cifras indican un cambio en la tendencia de reducción de la pobreza que venía registrando la región.
Los nueve millones de personas equivalen a casi un cuarto de la población que había superado la pobreza entre 2002 y 2008 (41 millones de personas), gracias al mayor crecimiento económico, la expansión del gasto social, el bono demográfico y las mejoras distributivas, según el estudio.
El informe fue dado a conocer hoy por la Secretaria Ejecutiva de la CEPAL, Alicia Bárcena, quien destacó la urgencia de que la región trabaje en un nuevo sistema de protección social de largo plazo.
"No podemos decir que hemos echado por la borda los logros alcanzados entre 2002 y 2008. No es un sexenio perdido. Sin embargo, este aumento de la pobreza nos obliga a actuar: debemos replantear los programas de protección social, con una visión estratégica de largo plazo y medidas que sepan aprovechar el capital humano y resguarden el ingreso de las familias y grupos vulnerables", recalcó.
El aumento proyectado en la pobreza para 2009 retrasará el cumplimiento del primer Objetivo de Desarrollo del Milenio (erradicar la pobreza extrema y el hambre para 2015): de 85% de avance que registraba la región en esta materia en 2008 se caería a 78% en 2009.
Se espera que algunos países experimenten incrementos en sus niveles de pobreza e indigencia mayores al promedio, como por ejemplo, México, debido a la reducción del PIB y al deterioro de la situación de empleo y salarios.
La actual crisis tendría, sin embargo, un impacto inferior sobre la situación de pobreza regional al de turbulencias anteriores, como la "crisis mexicana" de 1995, la "crisis asiática" de 1998-2000 y las crisis "punto.com" y argentina de 2001 y 2002. Por ahora, la región ha logrado mantener el poder adquisitivo de las remuneraciones y bajas tasas de inflación.
Entre 2002 y 2008 se apreció una significativa reducción de la desigualdad en la distribución del ingreso en la región. En este período en siete países (de los 18 analizados) disminuyó la desigualdad, mientras que en sólo tres aumentó.
En tanto, los gobiernos de la región han realizado importantes esfuerzos por aumentar el gasto social. Entre 1990 y 2007 el gasto público social por habitante pasó de un 43% a un 60% del gasto público total promedio de América Latina.
"Esto demuestra que sí se puede crecer y redistribuir, expandir el gasto social y tener prudencia fiscal para mejorar las condiciones de la población de manera significativa. América Latina no está condenada a ser pobre ni injusta", declaró Bárcena.
Hacia el futuro, la CEPAL recomienda reformar los sistemas de protección social y adoptar medidas que combinen lo urgente con una mirada estratégica de largo plazo. Entre ellas, se debe evitar la irresponsabilidad fiscal, aumentar la carga tributaria en forma progresiva y redistribuir el gasto social, no tornar rígidos los mercados laborales y ampliar la cobertura de las prestaciones sociales.
Sobre los programas públicos de transferencias asistenciales, entre ellos los de transferencias condicionadas (PTC), la CEPAL recomienda fortalecerlos. Los PTC operan hoy operan en 17 países de la región y alcanzan a más de 100 millones de personas, es decir, más del 50 por ciento de la población de América Latina en situación de pobreza.
日本、カナダに連勝 ラグビーテストマッチ朝日新聞 2009年11月21日
ラグビーのカナダ代表を迎えてのテストマッチ最終戦が２１日、東京・秩父宮であり、日本がカナダをノートライに抑えて２７―６で２連勝した。通算成績は日本の１３勝１０敗３分け。この２連戦前に世界ランキング１３位だったカナダに連勝したことで、日本はランクを一つ上げ、１３位を確定させた。
日本は前半９分、有賀のトライで先制。その後も畠山のトライなどで加点した。
国連ラテンアメリカ・カリブ経済委員会「中国は世界経済の原動力」China is dynamo of world economy: ECLAC
www.chinaview.cn 2009-11-21 10:08:52
SANTIAGO, Nov. 20, 2009 (Xinhua) -- China is a dynamo of the world economy and is playing a central role in helping a global economic recovery, said Alicia Barcena, executive secretary of the Economic Commission for the Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), on Friday.
"China is part of the world trade of wheat, rice, soya, sugar and others, playing a very important role in the increase of those product exports. The same happens in the case of the minerals and oil," Barcena told Xinhua in an interview.
He said China is one of the most important market for Latin American and the Caribbean products.
"China is being a blessing for the exports of raw materials from Latin America and the Caribbean. But it is also a great exporter (to the region). So, it competes with the countries of this region, mainly with Mexico and the Central American nations," said Barcena.
Trade between China and Latin America has grown tremendously, he noted.
He said Mexico, for example, is beginning to see China as a partner rather than a competitor.
Mexico has given priority to trade relations with China. As a result, the Asian country is now the fifth largest overseas market for Mexican products.
Meanwhile, South America has also improved ties with China.
"All producers see the opportunity of reaching the Chinese market," said Barcena.
2009年11月21日
ペルー警察、「人間脂肪殺害強盗」逮捕Peru police hold 'fat gang' killers
Police in Peru say they have broken up a gang that allegedly killed dozens of people and sold fat from the corpses to buyers in Europe who used it to make cosmetics.
Three of the people arrested confessed to killing five people, Colonel Jorge Mejia, who heads Peru's anti-kidnapping police, said on Thursday.
He said that the gang, which operated in the remote Peruvian jungle, might have been involved in dozens more incidents.
He said that one of the suspects claimed other gangs were also involved in such killings.
The gang allegedly cut off their victims' heads, arms and legs, removed the organs, then suspended the torsos from hooks above candles that warmed the flesh as fat dripped into tubs below.
Police dubbed the gang the "Pishtacos" after a Peruvian myth about men who killed to extract human fat.
Experts sceptical
Mejia said two of the suspects were arrested carrying bottles of liquid human fat and told police it was worth about $15,000 per litre.
The fat was sold to intermediaries in Peru's capital, Lima, and police suspect it was then sold to cosmetic companies in Europe, Mejia said.
He could not confirm any sales.
The group apparently stored the fat in used soda and water bottles, which police showed reporters.
Angel Toldeo, a police commander, said: "We have people detained who have declared and stated how they murdered people with the aim being to extract their fat in rudimentary labs and sell it."
Dr Lisa Donofrio, a dermatology professor at Yale University in the US, was quoted by the Associated Press as saying that a small market may exist for "human fat extracts" to keep skin supple.
But she said that scientifically such treatments are "pure baloney".
The AP also quoted Adam Katz, a professor of plastic surgery at the University of Virginia medical school, as saying: "I can't see why there would be a black market for fat."
Mejia said police received a tip four months ago that human fat from the jungle was being sold in Lima.
Police infiltrated the gang in August, he said, and later obtained some amber fluid, which a police lab confirmed as human fat.
2009年11月20日
妻の夢日記新婚生活も穏やかに、喧嘩することもなく淡々と過ぎていきます。手作りの食事をして、会話をして、シャワーを浴びて、読書をしたり、ネット検索したりして眠くなったら寝るような平日です。
そんな中で、うらやましいのが、妻の睡眠力です。一度、眠気を催したら、何度ひきとめようとしても、まったく効果がありません。会話をしていても急に返事がなくなります。
僕は大雑把で、明るいのですが、神経質なところもあって、睡眠はあまり深くありません。特に仕事が難しい局面を迎えていると、いろいろとシミュレーションしてしまって、なかなか寝付けません。
妻は逆に、一般に細かいことに気がつく優しい人と思われている節があります。それでも、度胸はすわっているところがあって、疲れていればすぐに眠りに落ちます。憎らしいくらい、すぐにすやすやと眠りに入っていけるのは、皮肉でなくうらやましい能力です。
僕が深夜に目が覚めてしまってネットでごそごそしていると、それでも気配を察した妻が寝ぼけ眼で反応します。そんなときは大抵、夢の途中だったりします。そこで夢の内容を聞いておいてあげると、朝起きた時に、夢の中身を思い出すのに、ずいぶん助けになるようです。
他の多くの夢がそうであるように、一見現実的だが、まったく意味の無いことを当然のように主張しているシーンがよく出てきます。たとえば、スーパーに夫婦で買物に行ったら、ビスケットの缶を夫の僕が見つけます。そして、「これは無駄だな。簡易包装のプラスチックで十分だ。透明なビニールで包装された、調味料のパックをつけたビスケットセットを商社SのY君がたくさん、日本から持ってきているんだよ」といっている夢を見たそうです。「ビスケットに調味料」のセットとか、えらそうに講釈している割に、話の中身がまったくないあたりが、夢らしいと言えば、夢らしいと言えます。
その他、高校2年生の自分が逃げていたら、断崖絶壁で行き詰まるものの、急にゴム製の巨大なチューブが橋となって救われた話。オバマ大統領が、講演会の隣の隣に座っていて、パンフレットに「いいしごとをする」とひらがなで書きまくっていた話など、夢ならではのさまざまな夢を見ています。
もっとも英国留学中に、ロッドスチュアートに横断歩道でひかれ損ねて、「Are you Ok?」と言われた事実がある妻なので、一見荒唐無稽に思える夢でも、まったく実現可能性が無いわけでは、ありません。
2009年11月19日
アンゴラ新知事任命
2009年11月18日、新知事が任命されました。ベンゴ州は、ジョアン・ベルナルド・デ・ミランダ州知事、カビンダ州は、マウェテ・ジョアン・バプティスタ州知事、ウイジ州は、パウロ・ポンボロ州知事、ナミベ州は、カンディダ・セレステ・ダ・シウバ州知事、ビエ州は、アルバロ・デ・ボアビーダ・ネト州知事が任命されました。
また、マヌエル・ミゲル・ダ・コスタ・アラゴン元司法大臣を在アルゼンチン大使に任命しました。更にアセベド・シャビエル・フランシスコ氏を海外諜報サービス副事務局長に任命しました。
ビエ州とナミベ州の州知事は、それぞれの担当管区を交換させられた格好になります。このことが内示されたのは、この記事でもご報告した「ビエ州への出張」の時でした。初日にビエ州知事と会談し、翌日に更に議題を深める予定だったのですが、州知事の異動が急遽、決定したとのことで、副知事との会合に変更になりました。
知事任命が圧倒的に強い一党の政党内の政治で決められてしまうという「不透明さ」と「予測可能性の低さ」に、アンゴラの民主主義の遠い道のりを認識させられます。
2009年11月18日、新知事が任命されました。ベンゴ州は、ジョアン・ベルナルド・デ・ミランダ州知事、カビンダ州は、マウェテ・ジョアン・バプティスタ州知事、ウイジ州は、パウロ・ポンボロ州知事、ナミベ州は、カンディダ・セレステ・ダ・シウバ州知事、ビエ州は、アルバロ・デ・ボアビーダ・ネト州知事が任命されました。
また、マヌエル・ミゲル・ダ・コスタ・アラゴン元司法大臣を在アルゼンチン大使に任命しました。更にアセベド・シャビエル・フランシスコ氏を海外諜報サービス副事務局長に任命しました。
ビエ州とナミベ州の州知事は、それぞれの担当管区を交換させられた格好になります。このことが内示されたのは、この記事でもご報告した「ビエ州への出張」の時でした。初日にビエ州知事と会談し、翌日に更に議題を深める予定だったのですが、州知事の異動が急遽、決定したとのことで、副知事との会合に変更になりました。
知事任命が圧倒的に強い一党の政党内の政治で決められてしまうという「不透明さ」と「予測可能性の低さ」に、アンゴラの民主主義の遠い道のりを認識させられます。
2009年11月17日
アンゴラと日本、投資相互保護条約締結に向け、日本の外務省及び経産省から高官来訪
Angola e Japão preparam Acordo de Protecção Recíproca de Investimentos
(Angola Press, 17 de Novembro, 2009)
Luanda – Uma missão técnica japonesa, integrada por altos funcionários dos ministérios das Relações Exteriores e do Comércio deste país, trabalhará no país de 22 a 25 do corrente mês com as autoridades angolanas na preparação de um Acordo de Promoção e Protecção Recíproca de Investimentos.
Segundo soube hoje a Angop de fonte do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (Mirex), durante a sua permanência em Angola os técnicos japoneses manterão encontros com responsáveis angolanos da ANIP, ministérios do Comércio, Finanças, Relações Exteriores, assim como do Instituto de Propriedade Intelectual.
A fonte deu ainda a conhecer que está igualmente previsto, para o dia 24, um encontro geral entre as partes no Ministério das Relações Exteriores.
Angola e Japão preparam Acordo de Protecção Recíproca de Investimentos
(Angola Press, 17 de Novembro, 2009)
Luanda – Uma missão técnica japonesa, integrada por altos funcionários dos ministérios das Relações Exteriores e do Comércio deste país, trabalhará no país de 22 a 25 do corrente mês com as autoridades angolanas na preparação de um Acordo de Promoção e Protecção Recíproca de Investimentos.
Segundo soube hoje a Angop de fonte do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (Mirex), durante a sua permanência em Angola os técnicos japoneses manterão encontros com responsáveis angolanos da ANIP, ministérios do Comércio, Finanças, Relações Exteriores, assim como do Instituto de Propriedade Intelectual.
A fonte deu ainda a conhecer que está igualmente previsto, para o dia 24, um encontro geral entre as partes no Ministério das Relações Exteriores.
Angola Risks Paying Africa’s Highest Bond Coupon Without Rating
By Garth Theunissen
Nov. 16, 2009 (Bloomberg) -- Angola may be forced to pay the highest interest rate of any dollar-denominated debt in sub- Saharan Africa if it doesn’t get a rating for its planned $4 billion international bond, according to Renaissance Capital.
The southwest African nation said Nov. 13 that it plans to begin selling the debt without a rating from Moody’s Investors Service, Standard & Poor’s or Fitch Ratings, which bondholders use to help assess creditworthiness. Deputy Finance Minister Manuel da Cruz Neto said on the same day that the country was “worried” about placing the Eurobonds without a rating, declining to say what interest the bonds may pay.
“Frankly speaking, I think it’s going to be a tough ask to sell the bonds without a rating unless they price it very attractively to compensate for the lack of rating,” said Samir Gadio, an analyst at Renaissance Capital in Lagos. “It would make more sense for them to seek a rating first, otherwise they’d have to offer a higher coupon than any of the existing Eurobonds in sub-Saharan Africa.”
Angola, which vies with Nigeria as Africa’s largest oil producer, is seeking its first international bond sale to help pay for construction projects due to a decline in oil proceeds, which accounts for about 80 percent of state revenue. The government will sell the debt in two parts, in December and June, John Coulter, chief executive officer of JPMorgan Chase & Co.’s South African unit, which is managing the deal, said in a phone interview on Nov. 6.
Minimum Coupon
The securities may need to offer a coupon of between 9 percent and 9.5 percent “at a minimum” to compensate for the lack of a credit rating, said Gadio.
Gabon’s 2017 Eurobond offers 8.2 percent and is rated BB- by both S&P and Fitch. Ghana’s 2017 dollar-denominated bond has a coupon of 8.5 percent and is rated B+ by S&P and Fitch, Bloomberg data show. The Republic of Congo’s unrated 2029 international bond was issued with a so-called step-up coupon that will increase over time of 2.5 percent, according to Bloomberg data.
Angola is unlikely to get a rating higher than B+, or four steps below investment grade, from S&P, according to Gadio. Standard Bank Group Ltd., Africa’s biggest lender, said Nov. 13 that a Fitch rating of BB-, three notches below investment grade would be “fair.”
Angola’s “very poor governance standards” mean it’s unlikely to get a rating higher than B+, or four steps below investment grade, from S&P, according to Gadio.
Nigeria, the second-biggest economy in sub-Saharan Africa, is rated B+ at S&P and BB- at Fitch.
To contact the reporter on this story: Garth Theunissen in Johannesburg gtheunissen@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: November 16, 2009 08:52 EST
By Garth Theunissen
Nov. 16, 2009 (Bloomberg) -- Angola may be forced to pay the highest interest rate of any dollar-denominated debt in sub- Saharan Africa if it doesn’t get a rating for its planned $4 billion international bond, according to Renaissance Capital.
The southwest African nation said Nov. 13 that it plans to begin selling the debt without a rating from Moody’s Investors Service, Standard & Poor’s or Fitch Ratings, which bondholders use to help assess creditworthiness. Deputy Finance Minister Manuel da Cruz Neto said on the same day that the country was “worried” about placing the Eurobonds without a rating, declining to say what interest the bonds may pay.
“Frankly speaking, I think it’s going to be a tough ask to sell the bonds without a rating unless they price it very attractively to compensate for the lack of rating,” said Samir Gadio, an analyst at Renaissance Capital in Lagos. “It would make more sense for them to seek a rating first, otherwise they’d have to offer a higher coupon than any of the existing Eurobonds in sub-Saharan Africa.”
Angola, which vies with Nigeria as Africa’s largest oil producer, is seeking its first international bond sale to help pay for construction projects due to a decline in oil proceeds, which accounts for about 80 percent of state revenue. The government will sell the debt in two parts, in December and June, John Coulter, chief executive officer of JPMorgan Chase & Co.’s South African unit, which is managing the deal, said in a phone interview on Nov. 6.
Minimum Coupon
The securities may need to offer a coupon of between 9 percent and 9.5 percent “at a minimum” to compensate for the lack of a credit rating, said Gadio.
Gabon’s 2017 Eurobond offers 8.2 percent and is rated BB- by both S&P and Fitch. Ghana’s 2017 dollar-denominated bond has a coupon of 8.5 percent and is rated B+ by S&P and Fitch, Bloomberg data show. The Republic of Congo’s unrated 2029 international bond was issued with a so-called step-up coupon that will increase over time of 2.5 percent, according to Bloomberg data.
Angola is unlikely to get a rating higher than B+, or four steps below investment grade, from S&P, according to Gadio. Standard Bank Group Ltd., Africa’s biggest lender, said Nov. 13 that a Fitch rating of BB-, three notches below investment grade would be “fair.”
Angola’s “very poor governance standards” mean it’s unlikely to get a rating higher than B+, or four steps below investment grade, from S&P, according to Gadio.
Nigeria, the second-biggest economy in sub-Saharan Africa, is rated B+ at S&P and BB- at Fitch.
To contact the reporter on this story: Garth Theunissen in Johannesburg gtheunissen@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: November 16, 2009 08:52 EST
2009年11月16日
妻との食事会の選曲親族との結婚披露を兼ねた食事会を今年の年末に行います。仕込みは、妻が日本に居た間に済ませてもらってあったので、細部を僕と妻との間で話し合いながら、東京の担当者とメールを交わしながら、詰めています。
花に関しては、僕は、もともとプロの端くれだったので、花材選定から、ブーケの形、花の配列、色調まで指定させてもらいました。ブーケは、ユーチャリス・リリーを中心にして、背の高い妻の良さが生きるよう、ラウンドでなくキャスケードでのブーケをお願いします。テーブル上の装飾は、白を中心に、ブバリアやブルースターなどの小花を散らして、色を引き立てようと思います。
また、音楽に関しては、僕と妻の好みを織り込んで、下記のように決定しました。二人が登場するときは、ベルディのアイーダ凱旋行進曲、出席者紹介はアフリカンシンフォニーと賑やかな感じになります。
BGMの選曲は、太字が僕、細字が妻の希望に沿ったものです。妻は、ピアノを弾くので選曲にもそれが現れています。僕は僕で、エリック・サティから、バッハ、ドビュッシー、果てはフレディと、文字通り「好きなものを混ぜまくった」といったところです。
＜登場＞
・アイーダ凱旋行進曲（ベルディ）→（夏イタリア・ベローナでの野外オペラ「アイーダ」を鑑賞した際の思い出として）
＜出席者紹介＞
・アフリカンシンフォニー（ヴァン・マッコイ）→（アフリカでの出会いをイメージして）
＜BGM＞
・くるみ割り人形（チャイコフスキー）「花のワルツ」
・ジムノペディ（エリック・サティ）
・交響曲第41番「ジュピター第4楽章」（モーツァルト）
・交響曲第7番第一楽章（ベートーベン）
・英雄ポロネーズ（ショパン）（ピアノ）
・平均律クラビーア曲集第１巻第１番BWV846（バッハ）（ピアノ）
・月の光（ドビュッシー）（ピアノ）
・亜麻色の髪の乙女（ドビュッシー）（ピアノ）
・悲愴第２楽章（ベートーベン）
・舞踏への勧誘（ウェーバー）（ピアノ）
・愛の夢（リスト）（ピアノ）
・Barcelona （フレディ・マーキュリー）
2009年11月15日
Pour Obama, la Chine est une alliée, pas une rivaleLE MONDE | 14.11.09 | 14h07
Samedi 14 novembre, c'est "un président américain né à Hawaï et qui a vécu enfant en Indonésie" qui s'est exprimé à Tokyo, au second jour de sa visite au Japon. "Les Etats-Unis sont nés dans les villes et les ports de la côte atlantique. Mais, pour bien des générations, nous sommes également une nation du Pacifique."
"Ce grand océan ne sépare pas l'Asie des Etats-Unis. Il les relie. (...) Ma propre vie est une partie de cette histoire", a assuré M. Obama, pour qui "le Pacifique a contribué à forger (sa) perception du monde".
Le président des Etats-Unis, Barack Obama, dans un discours volontariste prononcé devant 1 500 personnes, a réaffirmé la détermination de son pays à ne pas se retrouver à l'écart d'une région devenue le moteur de l'économie mondiale. "Je souhaite que chaque Américain sache que nous avons un intérêt dans l'avenir de cette région, car ce qui se passe ici a un impact direct sur nos vies", a-t-il déclaré.
Le président des Etats-Unis s'est longuement exprimé sur la Chine, puissance montante portée par un dynamisme économique qui peut inquiéter son pays.
"Les Etats-Unis et la Chine se porteront mieux s'ils travaillent ensemble", a-t-il déclaré, affirmant que son pays ne cherche pas à la "contenir". "Au contraire, l'émergence d'une Chine prospère peut être une force pour la communauté des nations." Auparavant, M. Obama avait rappelé l'importance des liens qui unissent Tokyo et Washington.
Le président des Etats-Unis a confirmé les engagements pris le 13 novembre avec le nouveau premier ministre de centre-gauche Yukio Hatoyama, élu sur un programme prônant une plus grande indépendance vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis, d'approfondir et de revitaliser l'alliance bilatérale.
Cette alliance, a rappelé M. Obama, est le "fondement de notre prospérité et de notre sécurité". En partie grâce à elle, selon le président, "nos pays sont devenus les deux premières économies mondiales". Cette relation entre les Etats-Unis et le Japon a valeur d'exemple aux yeux du président américain. Car pour M. Obama, si l'engagement des Etats-Unis en Asie "a commencé au Japon, il ne s'arrête pas là".
Dans la partie de son intervention consacrée à la Chine, où il devait se rendre dimanche 15 novembre, M. Obama ne s'est pas limité aux seules relations économiques. "Nous ne sommes pas d'accord sur tout", est-il convenu, ajoutant que "les Etats-Unis n'hésiteront pas à aborder la question des valeurs que nous chérissons tous. Parmi elles, le respect des religions et des cultures de nos populations, car le soutien aux droits de l'homme et à la dignité humaine est ancré aux Etats-Unis ".
M. Obama souhaite évoquer ces problèmes "dans un esprit de partenariat plutôt que de rancoeur". Il devrait, à ce sujet, faire part au président chinois, Hu Jintao, de son intention de rencontrer le dalaï-lama, le chef spirituel des Tibétains, en exil.
Soucieux de rassurer ses partenaires, japonais notamment, inquiets de la montée en puissance de Pékin, il a précisé qu'un "renforcement des relations avec la Chine ne signifiait pas un affaiblissement des alliances bilatérales". "Notre engagement pour la sécurité du Japon et de l'Asie reste inébranlable", a-t-il ajouté.
Toujours sur la sécurité, M. Obama a alterné la fermeté et l'esprit de l'ouverture à propos de la Corée du Nord, dont les "menaces n'intimident pas les Etats-Unis", et qui a été invitée à abandonner une attitude jugée provoquante. "Une autre voie peut être empruntée", a-t-il déclaré, pour "une intégration dans la communauté internationale", "des opportunités économiques", "la sécurité et le respect". M. Obama attend du régime nord-coréen qu'il accepte de revenir à la table des discussions à six (Chine, Etats-Unis, Corées, Japon, Russie) sur ses activités nucléaires.
Une invitation au dialogue a également été adressée à la Birmanie. "Nous avons fait savoir aux dirigeants birmans que les sanctions en place le resteront tant qu'ils ne prendront pas des mesures en faveur de réformes démocratiques", a-t-il affirmé.
"Nous soutenons (une Birmanie) pacifiée, prospère et démocratique. S'il évolue dans cette direction, de meilleures relations avec les Etats-Unis sont possibles. Le gouvernement birman doit s'engager sur la voie des réformes démocratiques". "Des initiatives doivent être prises, a-t-il souligné. La libération de tous les prisonniers politiques, notamment Aung San Suu Kyi, et la fin des conflits contre les minorités." Barack Obama a par ailleurs souligné son désir de voir les Etats-Unis s'impliquer plus avant dans les instances internationales asiatiques, comme l'Association des nations du Sud-Est asiatique (Asean) ou le Forum de coopération Asie-Pacifique (APEC).
Il devait être le premier président américain à participer à un sommet de l'APEC, samedi 14 novembre à Singapour.
Philippe Mesmer
2009年11月14日
REMARKS REGARDING U.S. DIPLOMACY TOWARDS ASIA BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMAAsahi Shimbun, November 14, 2009
Thank you so much. Arigatou. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Good morning. It is a great honor to be in Tokyo -- the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President of the United States. (Applause.) Thank you. It is good to be among so many of you -- Japanese and I see a few Americans here -- (applause) -- who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos. (Applause.)
It is wonderful to be back in Japan. Some of you may be aware that when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility -- the great bronze Amida Buddha. And as a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream. (Laughter.) And I want to thank Prime Minister Hatoyama for sharing some of those memories with more ice cream last night at dinner. (Laughter and applause.) Thank you very much. But I have never forgotten the warmth and the hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.
And I feel that same spirit on this visit: In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama. In the extraordinary honor of the meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, on the 20th anniversary of his ascension to the Chrysanthemum Throne. In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people. And of course, I could not come here without sending my greetings and gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan. (Applause.)
Now, I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason. Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect. And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.
From my very first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations. The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the Prime Minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly 50 years, the first foreign trip by an American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan. (Applause.)
In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary -- a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan's Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating "an indestructible partnership" based on "equality and mutual understanding."
In the half-century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation for our security and prosperity. It has helped us become the world's two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America's second-largest trading partner outside of North America. It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world -- from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan -- most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.
Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values -- a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change. And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people and our alliance.
That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance -- we've agreed to deepen it. We've agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring U.S. forces in Okinawa. And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago -- a partnership of equality and mutual respect. (Applause.)
But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it doesn't end here. The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations we have also been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it. We are bound by our past -- by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free. We are bound by our shared prosperity -- by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend. And we are bound by our people -- by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life, and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven.
My own life is a part of that story. I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian. My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy. So the Pacific Rim has helped shape my view of the world.
And since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically. Controlled economies have given way to open markets. Dictatorships have become democracies. Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted. And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.
So I want everyone to know, and I want everybody in America to know, that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct effect on our lives at home. This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods. And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process. This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents. And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.
To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region. To do this, we look to America's treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines -- alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.
These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first childhood visit to Japan. And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan's security and to Asia's security is unshakeable -- (applause) -- and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region -- above all, through our young men and women in uniform, of whom I am so proud.
Now, we look to emerging nations that are poised as well to play a larger role -- both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world; places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.
We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another. I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China's emergence. But as I have said, in an interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of cooperation -- not competing spheres of influence -- will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific. (Applause.)
Now, as with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests. And it's precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern, because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together. That's why we welcome China's effort to play a greater role on the world stage -- a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility. China's partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery. China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances. On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations.
And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our strategic and economic dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries. Of course, we will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear -- and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people -- because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor.
In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region. I know that the United States has been disengaged from many of these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear: Those days have passed. As a Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve. (Applause.)
That is the work that I will begin on this trip. The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum this evening. ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all 10 ASEAN leaders. (Applause.) And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.
We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it. And I'd like to speak for a bit about what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.
First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.
The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us to begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations. And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.
Now, this shift to the G20, along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions, clearly demonstrates the broader, more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21st century. And as a key member of the G8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading and vital role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture. (Applause.)
Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led to a global recession. We can't follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth. One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth -- because when Americans found themselves too heavily in debt or lost their jobs and were out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted. When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing. And the global recession only deepened.
So we have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.
I'll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean that we save more and spend less, reform our financial systems, reduce our long-term deficit and borrowing. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology that you use every day.
For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow for greater investments in housing and infrastructure and the service sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.
For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped to fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America's prosperity, but to the world's, as well.An integral part of this new strategy is working towards an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement -- not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion -- and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table.
We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all our nations. Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them. The United States will also be engaging with the Trans-Pacific Partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement.
Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity. But it's not enough to pursue growth that is balanced. We also need growth that is sustainable -- for our planet and the future generations that will live here.
Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in 10 months than we have in our recent history -- (applause) -- by embracing the latest science, by investing in new energy, by raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do -- but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.
And that includes striving for success in Copenhagen. I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear. All nations must accept their responsibility. Those nations, like my own, who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets. Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology. And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.
Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet -- and we must do it together. But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs. It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries. And Japan has been at the forefront on this issue. We are looking forward to being a important partner with you as we achieve this critical global goal. (Applause.)
Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century -- the danger posed by nuclear weapons.
In Prague, I affirmed America's commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal. (Applause.) I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort, for no two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity. Our very future hangs in the balance.
Now, let me be clear: So long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies -- including South Korea and Japan. (Applause.)
But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growth and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without nuclear weapons have a responsibility to forsake them.
Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path. (Applause.) For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development -- and by any measure, this has increased Japan's security and enhanced its position.
To meet our responsibilities and to move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague, we have passed, with the help of Japan, a unanimous U.N. Security Council resolution embracing this international effort. We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles. We will work to ratify and bring into force the test ban treaty. (Applause.) And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all the world's vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.
Now, as I've said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out any individual nations. It's about all nations living up to their responsibilities. That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And it includes North Korea.
For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons. It should be clear where this path leads. We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang. We have passed the most sweeping U.N. Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities. We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words: North Korea's refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security -- not more.
Yet there is another path that can be taken. Working in tandem with our partners -- supported by direct diplomacy -- the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future. Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration. Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity -- where trade and investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life. And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect. This respect cannot be earned through belligerence. It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.
So the path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the six-party talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can also only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted. (Applause.) These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.
And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century: by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all. Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.
The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures. It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress. Yet this much is also clear -- indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights; they have been strengthened by it. Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way -- that is the story that can be seen in Japan's democracy, just as it can be seen in America's democracy.
The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples. For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common: the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice. These are not impediments to stability, they are the cornerstones of stability. And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.
That truth, for example, guides our new approach to Burma. Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people. So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform. We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic. And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.
There are clear steps that must be taken -- the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people. That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity.(Applause.)
These are steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific. We will do so through our close friendship with Japan -- which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region. We will do so as a partner -- through the broader engagement that I've discussed today. We will do so as a Pacific nation -- with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe. And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly 50 years.
The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, sometime after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific. It was then that America's commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples' spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what's been called "the Japanese miracle" -- a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.
In the coming years and decades, this miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better. It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space.
But we know that there's still work to be done -- so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we can reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and -- on a divided peninsula -- the people of South can be freed from fear, and those in the North can live free from want; so that a young girl can be valued not for her body but for her mind; and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent and their drive and their choices will take them.
None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle. But at this moment of renewal -- in this land of miracles -- history tells us it is possible. This is the --America's agenda. This is the purpose of our partnership with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region. And there must be no doubt: As America's first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
オバマ米大統領のアジア外交政策演説〈全文〉朝日新聞 2009年11月14日16時48分
どうもありがとう。（日本語で）「アリガトウ」。どうもありがとう。おはよう。米大統領になって初のアジア訪問の最初の目的地として東京に来られたのは大変名誉なことだ。ありがとう。こんなに多くの人たち、日本人、そしてここに何人か米国人の姿も見えるが、長年の友人ジョン・ルース新大使を含め、日米のきずなを強化するため連日働いている人たちに囲まれてうれしい。
日本にまた来られたのはすばらしいことだ。知っている人もいるかもしれないが、少年時代、母に連れられて鎌倉を訪れ、平和や静けさをたたえた大仏を見上げた。子供の私は抹茶アイスクリームにより魅せられた。昨夜の夕食会で、その思い出を紹介しながらアイスクリームを食べられたことを、鳩山首相に感謝したい。どうもありがとう。日本の人たちが当時米国の少年に示してくれた温かみやもてなしは、忘れたことはなかった。
今回の訪問でも、鳩山首相の歓迎や、即位２０年の天皇・皇后両陛下とお会いするという栄誉、そして日本の人たちによるもてなしを通じて、同じ精神を感じている。そしてもちろん、日本の（福井県）小浜市民へのあいさつや感謝の念を示さずには、ここに来るわけにいかなかった。
私が今回の歴訪を日本から始めた理由は簡単だ。就任以来、米国のリーダーシップを刷新し、互いの利益と尊重に基づいて世界と関与する新たな時代を追い求めてきた。アジア太平洋での我々の取り組みは、揺るぎなくかつ活性化した日米同盟を通して大いに定着していくことだろう。
就任直後から、両国の関係強化に努めてきた。ホワイトハウスに私が出迎えた最初の外国指導者は日本の首相だ。ヒラリー・クリントン米国務長官の最初の外国訪問は日本から始まるアジアだったが、これも約５０年ぶりだった。
２カ月後に日米同盟は５０周年を迎える。当時のアイゼンハワー米大統領が、日本の首相の隣に立ち、両国は「対等と相互理解」に基づく「不滅の関係」を作ると発言した日だ。
この半世紀、日米同盟は安全保障と繁栄の基盤であり続けてきた。この同盟は、両国が世界の２大経済大国となり、日本が米国にとって北米以外で２番目の貿易相手国となるのに資してきた。同盟関係の進展につれ、日本は世界の舞台でより大きな役割を演じるようになり、世界各地の安定のため重要な貢献をするようにもなった。イラク再建から、ソマリア沖の海賊対処、アフガニスタンやパキスタンへの支援に至る貢献だ。最近では、両国における国際的開発努力に追加支援の約束をするという注目すべきリーダーシップを示した。
日米同盟が長続きしてきたのは、何よりもそれが我々の共通の価値――指導者を自ら選び、夢を実現しようとする自由な人々の民主主義の権利への信念――を反映してきたからだ。そうした信念が、変化を約束した鳩山首相や私自身の選出を可能にした。我々は国民や日米同盟のため新世代のリーダーシップをもたらすことを約束する。
だからこそ、我々は歴史的に重要なこの時に、双方が日米同盟を再確認するのみならず、深化することで一致した。両国政府が達した沖縄駐留米軍の再編合意の履行のため、合同の作業部会を通じて迅速に進むことを合意した。日米同盟が未来に向け進化・発展していくにつれ、アイゼンハワー元大統領がずっと前に表現した精神に立ち、我々は対等で相互の尊重に基づく関係に向けて常に努力していく。
アジア太平洋地域への関与は日本で始まるが、日本で終わるわけではない。合衆国の建国は大西洋沿いの港や街から始まったが、我々はすでに何世代にもわたり、太平洋国家でもあった。アジアと米国は太平洋で隔てられているのではなく、つながっている。太平洋をはさみ、我々は歴史――米国建設を助けたアジア系移民や、この地域の安全や自由の維持のため身をささげてきた何世代もの米軍人――や、共通の繁栄――何百万もの雇用や家族が頼みとする貿易や商取引――、また我々の国民――米国の生活を豊かにしてくれるアジア系米国人や、様々に入り交じったすべての人々――などでつながっている。
私自身の人生がその物語の一部だ。私は米国の大統領だが、ハワイで生まれ、インドネシアで少年期を過ごした。妹のマヤはジャカルタ生まれで、中国系カナダ人と結婚した。母は東南アジアの村でほぼ１０年近くを過ごし、女性がミシンを買ったり、教育を受けたりすることで、世界経済の中での足場ができるように支援した。だから、環太平洋地域は私の世界の見方を形づくった。
おそらくその頃と比べ、この地域ほど急速かつ劇的に変化したところはない。統制経済は市場経済となった。独裁制は民主主義に変わった。貧困からの迅速な脱却で生活水準は上がった。こうした変化すべてを通じて、米国やアジア太平洋地域の豊かさは以前にも増して密接につながった。
アジア太平洋地域の未来と我々は関係があることを、どの人にも、どの米国人にも知ってほしい。ここで起きることは我々の国内での生活に直接影響を与えるからだ。我々はここで多くの商取引に携わり、多くの産品を買っている。輸出の拡大で雇用を創出することもできる。ここでの核軍拡競争の脅威が、その他の地域の安全保障も脅かしかねない。偉大な宗教をけがすような過激派が我々双方の国土に対する攻撃を計画している。アジア太平洋の台頭する力と発展する国々なしでは、エネルギー安全保障や気候変動の課題は解決できない。
共通の課題に対処するため、米国はこの地域の国々と旧来の同盟関係を強め、新しい協力関係を築こうとしている。このため、我々は日本や韓国、豪州、タイ、フィリピンとの条約に基づいた同盟関係に目を向けている。これらの同盟は過去からの歴史的文書ではなく、我々が共有する安全保障に不可欠な、互いを結びつける約束だ。
これらの同盟関係は安全保障や安定の基盤をもたらし続け、この地域の国々や人々が好機や繁栄を追い求めることを可能にしている。私が子供の時に日本に来た時には、想像できなかったことだ。米軍が世界で二つの戦争に従事していても、日本やアジアの安全保障への我々の関与は揺るぎない。それはこの地域に、とりわけ米国の若い男女の軍人たちが駐留していることからもわかる。私は彼らをとても誇りに思っている。
我々は今、より大きな役割を担う用意があるアジア太平洋やその他の地域の新興国に注目している。例えば、民主主義を取り入れて経済を発展させ、国民の可能性を引き出してきたインドネシアやマレーシアだ。
我々は台頭する国々に、２１世紀において一国の安全保障や経済成長は、他国の犠牲によって成り立つ必要はない、という観点から着目している。中国の台頭を米国がどう見るか尋ねる人が多くいる。しかしこれまで言ってきたように、この相互に関連づけされた世界では、勢力はゼロサムゲームになる必要はないし、国家は他国の成功を恐れる必要もない。勢力圏づくりを競うのではなく、協力圏づくりを深めることで、アジア太平洋は前進していくだろう。
他国と同様に、米国が中国に接する際には自らの利害に焦点をあてる。だからこそ、相互に関心を持つ課題について、米国が中国と実務的な協力関係を作ることが重要だ。どの国も２１世紀に直面する課題は一国だけで解決することはできず、米国も中国も共同して課題に対処できた時の方がうまくいくからだ。従って、我々は中国が経済成長とともに増す責任に合わせ、国際的な舞台でより大きな役割を果たすことを歓迎する。中国との協力関係は、我々が経済を再活性化させようとする努力において極めて重要だ。中国はアフガニスタンとパキスタンの安全と安定を促進してきた。そして現在は、世界の不拡散体制に寄与し、朝鮮半島の非核化という目標も支持している。
米国は中国を封じ込めるつもりはないし、米中関係の深化は（他国との）二国間同盟を弱めるものでもない。むしろ反対に、強固で、繁栄した中国の台頭は、複数の諸国からなる共同体を強化する源になる。北京やほかの場所で、我々は戦略・経済的な対話を深め、軍同士の意思疎通を改善したい。もちろん、すべての課題について同意はできないだろう。米国は、すべての人の信教と文化の尊重を含め、我々が重視する基本的な価値を主張する際に揺らぐことはないからだ。人権と人間の尊厳を支えることは米国に刻み込まれた伝統なのだ。しかし、敵意ではなく協調の精神でこれらの議論を前に進めたい。
二国間関係に加え、多国間機構の成長がこの地域での安全と繁栄を進めると我々は確信している。米国は近年、これらの機構の多くと疎遠になっていたことは知っている。だが、それは過去のことだと明言したい。アジア太平洋国家として、米国は地域の未来を形作る議論に関与し、こうした機構が創設され発展していくに際して、ふさわしい機構に本格的に参加したい。
これこそがまさに今回の旅で私が始める作業だ。
アジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）という場は、今後も地域の通商と繁栄を促進し続けるだろう。今夜、このフォーラムに参加することを楽しみにしている。東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）は、東南アジアの対話と協調、安全の触媒であり続ける。米国大統領として初めて加盟全１０カ国の首脳と会う機会を楽しみにしている。直面する課題に対応する役割を担うため、米国は東アジアサミットにも、いっそう正式な形で関与していくことができればと待ち望んでいる。
我々はこうした深く広い関与を追求する。我々の集団的な未来はそこにかかっていると知っているからだ。そこで私は、未来がどんなものか、我々の繁栄と安全、普遍的な価値や望みを促進する上で、何をなすべきかについて、少し触れたい。
第一に、経済回復を強化し、均衡がとれた持続的な成長を目指さねばならない。
アジア太平洋の国々やほかの諸国が取った迅速で前例のない協調的な対応は経済の壊滅を防ぎ、過去何世代もの中で最悪の景気後退から脱却し始めることを助けた。我々は国際経済の枠組みの刷新に歴史的な一歩を踏み出し、Ｇ２０は今や国際的な経済協調の主要な討論の場となった。
国際金融に関する諸機構でアジア各国に与えられたより大きな発言権とともに、Ｇ２０への移行は、米国が２１世紀に追求する、より広く、より多くの国の参加を求めるような関与のあり方を明らかに示している。そして日本はＧ８の主要メンバーとして、将来の国際金融の枠組みを形作る上で指導的で不可欠な役割を今後も果たし続けるだろう。
我々は経済回復の間際にあるが、それを持続的なものにしないといけない。世界的な景気後退を導いた、にわか景気に続く崩壊というサイクルに戻るわけにはいかない。不均衡な成長につながる政策を再びとることはできない。今回の景気後退が我々に教えた重要な教訓の一つは、経済成長を米国の消費者と、アジアの輸出だけに頼ることの限界だ。米国人があまりに巨額の借金に気づき、失業して雇用がみつからない時に、アジア製品への需要は急減したからだ。需要が急落した時、この地域からの輸出も急落した。アジア地域の経済は輸出に依存しすぎているため、成長が止まった。そして世界の景気後退がますます深まった。
我々は今、歴史上まれな分岐点にたどり着き、異なる道を選ぶ機会を有している。まずは、均衡ある経済成長に向けた新戦略を追求するという、ピッツバーグのＧ２０（サミット）での約束から始めねばならない。
シンガポールで詳しく述べることになるが、米国において、この新戦略は、貯蓄を増やし、支出を減らし、金融制度を改革し、長期的な赤字と借り入れを減らすことを意味する。それはまた、我々が建設し、生産し、そして世界中に売り出すという輸出に重点を置くことも意味する。これは米国にとっては雇用戦略だ。今、米国の輸出は、何百万もの、良い賃金を得られる仕事を支えている。そうした輸出を少し増やすだけで、さらに何百万もの雇用を生む可能性を秘めている。これらの雇用創出は、風力発電の風車や太陽光発電パネルから、あなた方が日常的に使う技術までに及んでいる。
アジアにとっては、よりよい均衡を達成することで、並外れた生産性の向上で可能になったような、より高い生活水準を労働者と消費者が享受する機会を提供することになる。また住宅や社会基盤、サービス業への投資を高めることになる。より均衡のとれた世界経済は、より深く、広い範囲の人々が利益を受けるような繁栄につながる。
何十年もの間、米国は世界で最も開かれた市場のひとつであり、過去１世紀において、その開放性はアジアとその他の地域の多くの国の成功を支えてきた。新しい時代において、世界中の他の国の市場開放は、米国だけでなく、世界の繁栄に極めて重要だ。
新戦略で不可欠なのは、野心的で均衡のとれた多角的貿易交渉（ドーハ・ラウンド）妥結に向けた努力だ。どんな合意でもいいというわけではなく、世界中の市場を開放し、輸出を増やすという合意だ。我々は時期を逃さずその目標を達成できるかどうかについて、アジアのパートナーと協力する用意がある。米州地域の貿易相手国も協議のテーブルに招待する。
この地域の持続的な経済統合が、すべての国の労働者や消費者、企業の利益になるとも信じる。韓国との間では、貿易協定の進展に向けて必要な課題について話し合うだろう。米国はまた「環太平洋パートナーシップ」諸国とも、２１世紀の貿易協定にふさわしい、広範な参加国と高い水準を備えた地域的合意を作るという目的で関与していくだろう。
協力して取り組むということこそが、この回復を維持し、共通の繁栄を進められる方法だ。バランスの取れた成長を追求するだけでは不十分で、地球と、ここに住むことになる未来の世代にとって、持続可能な成長であることが必要だ。
米国はすでにこの１０カ月で気候変動と戦うために、これまで取ってきたよりも多い措置をとった。最新科学を取り入れ、新エネルギーに投資し、効率基準を上げ、新たなパートナーシップを構築し、気候をめぐる国際交渉に取り組んだ。端的に言えば、米国にはまだやることがあるが、責任を果たし、これからも果たし続ける。
その中には（国連気候変動枠組み条約締約国会議が開かれる）コペンハーゲンでの成功への努力も含まれる。私はそれが簡単だとの幻想は持っていない。しかし、前進への道のりは明らかだ。すべての国が責任を果たさなければならない。私の国もそうだが、排出の多い国々は明確な削減目標を持たなければならない。途上国は、資金と技術の援助を得た上で、排出を抑える中身のある行動をとる必要がある。そして、行動には透明性と説明責任も必要だ。
私たち一人一人が、地球を傷つけずに経済を成長させるため、できることをしなければならない――しかも、我々はそれを一緒にやらなければならない。良い知らせは、正しいルールと動機付けをすれば、最高の科学者たち、技術者たち、起業家たちが創造する力が解き放たれる、ということだ。それは、新たな雇用、新たな事業、そしてまったく新しい産業にもつながる。日本はこの点において先頭に立ってきた。我々は、この重要な地球的目標を達成するうえで、日本の重要なパートナーとなることを楽しみにしている。
とはいえ、我々は２１世紀のこうした課題に直面すると同時に、２０世紀の遺物である、我々の安全への脅威、つまり核兵器の危険に対応するための努力も、倍増させなければならない。
（チェコの首都）プラハでは、私は世界から核兵器をなくすことへの米国の決意を再確認し、その目標を追求するための包括的な課題を示した。日本がこの努力に加わったことを喜ばしく思う。なぜなら、地球上でこの２カ国以上に、この兵器が何をもたらしうるかを知っている国はなく、そうした兵器のない未来を共に目指さなければならないからだ。これは、我々が共有する安全の根本であり、共有する人道性にとっての大きな試練だ。私たちの未来自体が左右されるのだ。
明確にしたいことがある。これらの兵器が存在する限りは、米国は、韓国や日本を含む、同盟国の防衛を保障するため、強力で効果的な核抑止力を維持する。
しかし、この地域での核軍拡競争の加速は、この何十年間の成長と繁栄を損ないかねない。だから、私たちには、核不拡散条約（ＮＰＴ）の基本的な仕組みを守るよう求められている。つまり、すべての国に原子力の平和利用の権利があり、核兵器保有国には核軍縮へ行動する義務が、核保有国は核兵器を断念する責任があるという仕組みだ。
実際、日本は、この仕組みに従えば真の平和と影響力を獲得できると、世界に示した例だ。何十年にもわたって原子力エネルギーの平和利用の利益を享受する一方で、核兵器開発を拒否してきた。そのことはあらゆる基準からみて、日本の安全保障を高め、立場を強くしてきた。
我々の責任を果たすため、そしてプラハで示した課題を前に進めるために、我々は日本の助けも得て、この国際的な努力を支持する国連安保理決議を全会一致で可決した。ロシアとは、保有する核の削減の新たな合意を目指している。包括的核実験禁止条約を批准し、その発効にも取り組む。来年の核安全保障サミットでは、世界中の脆弱（ぜいじゃく）な核物質を４年以内に管理下に置くという目標を前に進める。
以前にも述べたように、国際的な核不拡散体制の強化は、特定の国を名指しすることではない。すべての国がそれぞれの責任を果たすということだ。それにはイランと北朝鮮も含まれる。
何十年にわたって、北朝鮮は、核兵器開発の追求も含む、対決と挑発の道を選んだ。この道がどこにつながるかは明白であるべきだ。我々は平壌（北朝鮮）への制裁を強化した。彼らの大量破壊兵器を制限する、今までで最も広範な国連安保理決議も通した。脅しに屈しない。言葉だけではなく、行動を通じて明確なメッセージを伝え続ける。北朝鮮が国際的な義務の履行を拒否することは、同国の安全を低下させるだけで、より安全にはならない。
ただ、ここには別の道がある。我々のパートナーと歩調を合わせ、直接外交に支えられながら、米国は北朝鮮に違う将来を提示する用意がある。自国民をぞっとするような抑圧の下に置く孤立ではなく、北朝鮮には国際社会に統合していく未来もありえる。貧困のままではなく、貿易や投資や観光が北朝鮮国民により良い生活への機会を与えるという経済的機会のある未来も持てる。不安定さを増すのではなく、安全と尊敬の未来もだ。この尊敬は、好戦的な態度を通じては獲得できない。完全に国際的な義務を果たすことで国際社会の中に地位を占める国にしか与えられないのだ。
こうした未来を実現するために北朝鮮が取るべき道は明確だ。６者協議へ復帰し、これまでの合意を守り、ＮＰＴへ復帰、朝鮮半島の完全かつ検証可能な非核化を行うことだ。そして、日本人の家族に対し、拉致された人たちの行方を完全に明らかにしなければ、近隣諸国との完全な関係正常化もない。これらは、もし自国民の生活を改善し、国際社会に参加することに関心があるならば北朝鮮政府がとることができる行動だ。
この課題に注意深く対応する一方、アジアのすべてのパートナー諸国と協力し、国境を越えた２１世紀の脅威と闘う。罪のない人々を殺戮（さつりく）する過激派を根絶やしにし、シーレーンを脅かす海賊行為を止める。感染症を阻止する努力を強化し、我々の世代で極端な貧困を終わらせる努力をする。女性、子供、移民を搾取する人身売買をやめさせ、この、現代の奴隷制という災厄に終止符を打つ。
実際、我々が協力して取り組まなければならない最後の分野というのは、すべての人の基本的人権と尊厳を守ることだ。
アジア太平洋地域は、多くの文化に恵まれている。素晴らしい伝統と、力強い各国の歴史に彩られている。何度も何度も、この地域の人々が、人類の進歩のために示してきためざましい才能と熱意を見てきた。そして、明確なのは、伝統的文化や経済成長は、人権の尊重によって損なわれるのではなく、逆に強化されてきたということだ。人権を支持することは、他の手段では得ることができない、継続的な安全をもたらす。米国の民主主義と同様に、日本の民主主義で見られる話だ。
自由と尊厳を求めることは、すべての諸国民に共通する物語の一部だ。なぜなら、ある種類の望みは、人間が共通して持つものだからだ。思うことを話し、指導者を選ぶ自由や、情報に接することができ、自分の好きな信仰をもてること、法の支配や、司法の平等な適用への信頼。こういったものは、安定を妨げるのではなく、その礎石である。そして、我々は常にこのような権利を求める人たちの味方だ。
この真実は、ビルマ（ミャンマー）に対する我々の新たな対応の指針になる。長年の善意にもかかわらず、米国による制裁も、他の国による関与も、ビルマ国民の生活の改善に成功しなかった。
従って我々は今、指導者たちと直接に接触し、民主的改革に向けた具体的手段が講じられない限り、現在の制裁は継続するということを明確に伝えている。我々は、統一され、平和的で、繁栄し、民主的なビルマを支持する。ビルマがその方向に向かうなら、米国との関係改善が可能だ。
取られなければならない明確な措置がある。アウン・サン・スー・チーさんを含むすべての政治犯の無条件釈放、少数民族との紛争の終結、そして将来についての共通の展望に基づく、政府、民主派、少数民族の間での、真摯（しんし）な対話だ。これが、ビルマの政府が国民の需要に応えることができる方法だ。これが、ビルマに真の安全と繁栄をもたらす道だ。
以上が、米国がアジア太平洋地域においていっそうの繁栄、安全、人間の尊厳をもたらすために取る手段だ。その際には、親しい友人である日本を通じて行う。日本は常に、この地域での米国の努力における中心的存在だ。我々は、太平洋国家として、地球上のこの地域で人格の一部が形成された大統領のもとで、そうした努力を行う。またその努力は、約５０年にわたり米国と日本国民とのきずなを導いてきたのと同じ目的意識をもって行う。
このきずながどのように築かれたか、話は、前世紀の半ば、太平洋での戦火が収まってしばらくした頃にさかのぼる。その際に、米国が日本の安全と安定を約束したことが、日本国民の復興精神と勤勉さとともに、「日本の奇跡」とよばれるものにつながった。つまり、世界が長い間見たことのなかったような急速で力強い経済成長の期間だ。
それからの数十年、その奇跡はこの地域に広がり、わずか一世代で、何百万人もの人々の生活と運命が、良い方に変化した。これは、苦労して勝ち取った平和に支えられ、広大で雑多な地域に散らばる諸国を結びつける、相互理解という新しい架け橋によって強化された進歩だ。
我々には、まだやらなければならない仕事がある。科学技術での新たな進歩が太平洋の両岸での雇用につながり、また地球温暖化からの安全につながるようにする。危険な兵器の拡散を巻き戻し、分断された（朝鮮）半島において、南の住民が恐怖から解放されると同時に、北の住民が欠乏から解放されて生きられるようにする。若い少女が、その体でなく心で価値を判断され、若者たちが、どこにいようと、自分の能力、熱意、そして選択が許す限り、どこまででも進んでいけるようにする。
これらはどれも簡単に実現しないし、後退や苦闘なしにも実現しないだろう。しかし、この変革の時期に、この奇跡の国において、歴史はそれが可能であることを示している。これは米国自身の課題だ。それが我々の日本との協力関係、そしてこの地域の他の国や国民との協力関係の目的である。米国初の「太平洋系大統領」として明確にしたい。この太平洋国家（米国）は、世界で死活的に重要な同地域での指導力を強化し、維持することを約束する。
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release November 13, 2009
Remarks by President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama of Japan in Joint Press Conference
Kantei, Tokyo, Japan
8:24 P.M. JST
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: (As translated.) President Obama, I would like to welcome you to Japan. I'd like to express my heartfelt welcome to you. It is very hard -- despite the tragedy of the mass shooting in your country, that you have taken time out of a busy schedule to come and join us here today. We're very thankful to you.
And today we have had a 90-minute, very intensive discussion. I'm very happy to have had this opportunity to hold this discussion.
Well, we have come to call each other Barack and Yukio. I think I've grown quite accustomed to calling each other by our names. And we did cover a lot of ground today. First, for Japan's diplomacy, the U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone. And this is one thing I've stressed. But as time changes and as the international environment changes, there is a need for us to further develop and deepen the U.S.-Japan alliance to make it even more constructive and future-oriented alliance. This was what I proposed today.
And the U.S.-Japan alliance -- well, actually it so happens that next year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And starting from today we'll be starting a year to start a new process of deliberation. And I have made this proposal, and President Obama has given his consent and support towards this idea.
Now, the U.S.-Japan alliance, looking at it from the security front, naturally we have to cooperate in proliferation deterrence, on information protection, missile defense, and the use of other states amongst others. We need to consider these new systems for issuing security. And this is my thinking.
But the U.S.-Japan alliance is not just focused on security -- for example, disaster prevention, or health, education. We had many levels -- and also environmental issues, as well. We need to cooperate in all these areas so as to cooperate in the Asia Pacific and others so that we can further deepen our bilateral alliance. I believe that we have reached an agreement on these points.
Now, turning our eyes to the global situation, again there are different topics that we've covered. From our side, I've talked about Afghanistan and our support to Afghanistan. On to Afghanistan; we will not be taking part in the refueling, but instead providing civil assistance, and we are planning to mainly provide civil assistance of 5 billion yen in five years for agriculture, building of infrastructures, schools. So this is the type of assistance we want to provide. And also to improve security, we want to support the police force in Afghanistan. Furthermore, for the former soldiers, we want to provide vocational training. These are the types of things that we want to conduct.
I have communicated this to the President, and towards this new assistance package, President Obama in principle has stated his gratitude, appreciation for this assistance. And furthermore, when it comes to assistance to Afghanistan, it's important that we try to directly talk with one another as to the assistance to be provided.
Now, in the area of climate change, again, we have talked on this subject. By 2015, we have set out this goal of an 80 percent reduction. And both Japan and U.S. have agreed on this, and we want to make COP-15 a success, and we agreed to cooperate towards this end.
And including China and others, there are other issues that need to be resolved. And therefore we need to collaborate to address these challenges.
Now, in regards to nuclear disarmament, again, we have agreed to cooperate with one another. Now, in regards to nuclear issues and also climate change, we have issued a joint statement. And I do believe that this is quite innovative in itself, and the fact that we can take up these issues as core issues at the summit meeting is something of vital importance.
Now, on the economic front, well, the economy was not a major issue this time, but again, this might reflect the times in which we're living. And over dinner, maybe, we hope to be able to discuss the issue of the economy.
Now, in relation to nuclear issues, North Korea, Iran was also discussed from President Obama. And again, we have agreed to closely cooperate with one another. And Special Representative Bosworth will be visiting North Korea -- or may be visiting North Korea shortly. But this is on the premise of the six-party talks. And I do endorse this thinking and have stated so to the President.
And in regards to Iran, again, we have to support -- we would like to support the approach to Iran. On the one hand, we want to emphasize our historic relationship, but also, at the same time, I promise to strengthen our alliance vis-à-vis Iran.
And also, again, in Asia, President Obama has stated that we have some -- we do have a vital role to play, especially in East Asia. I have set out the concept of East Asian community, and this is because I believe that there is this alliance as the cornerstone on which we can rely.
And in Asia, the fact that the U.S. presence increases is something that has great extension towards at various levels in Asia and East Asia, and Asia on the whole. Both Japan and the United States should deepen, and as a result, in East Asia we hope to bring about peace, stability, and economic prosperity in this region. This is something that we have pledged.
I don't want to take up all the time myself, and therefore I'd like to conclude. But I do think that this summit meeting was extremely meaningful. And on this note, I'd like to once again say that I am very grateful to Barack, President Obama, to take time to join us here at Japan. And also, I'm thankful that he's chosen Japan as his first leg to his visit to Asia. And as Prime Minister, representing the Japanese people, I'd like to express my gratitude. Thank you.
And next, President Obama, please.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, good evening. It is a great honor to be making my first trip to Japan as President of the United States. I have fond memories of visiting Japan in my youth. I've been looking forward to this trip for some time. I'm only sorry that Michelle and the girls could not join us. The girls have been studying Japan in school, and so they have a great interest in Japanese culture. And hopefully I'll be able to bring them next time.
I want to thank the warm welcome that Prime Minister Hatoyama and the Japanese people have extended. I appreciate the graciousness with which you understood the delay that took place as a consequence of the tragedy at Fort Hood, Texas.
Japan is my first stop as President in Asia. I began my trip here in Tokyo because the alliance between the United States and Japan is a foundation for security and prosperity not just for our two countries but for the Asia Pacific region. In a few months we'll be marking the 50th anniversary of our alliance, which is founded on shared values and shared interests that has served our people so well and has provided peace and security for the region in an unprecedented way.
That anniversary, as Prime Minister Hatoyama pointed out, represents an important opportunity to step back and reflect on what we've achieved, celebrate our friendship, but also find ways to renew this alliance and refresh it for the 21st century. Both Yukio and I were elected on the promise of change, but there should be no doubt, as we move our nations in a new direction, our alliance will endure and our efforts will be focused on revitalizing that friendship so that it's even stronger and more successful in meeting the challenges of the 21st century. It's essential for the United States, it's essential for Japan, and it's essential for the Asia Pacific region.
Throughout my trip and throughout my presidency, I intend to make clear that the United States is a Pacific nation, and we will be deepening our engagement in this part of the world. As I said to Prime Minister Hatoyama, the United States will strengthen our alliances, build new partnerships, and we will be part of multilateral efforts and regional institutions that advance regional security and prosperity.
We have to understand that the future of the United States and Asia is inextricably linked. The issues that matter most to our people -- issues of economic growth and job creation, non-proliferation, clean energy -- these are all issues that have to be part of a joint agenda. And we had very productive discussions about these issues this evening.
It's true that because of the strength of our economic ties, that was not the first item on our agenda, but we are fortunately going to have the opportunity to spend a lot of time discussing that in Singapore in the coming days. As the world's two leading economies, we have spent a lot of time working together in the G20 to help bring the world back from the brink of financial crisis, and we're going to continue to work to strengthen our efforts so that we can expand job growth in the future. And we will be discussing with our APEC partners how to rebalance our deep economic cooperation with this region to strengthen our recovery.
The Prime Minister and I discussed our cooperation on Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I did thank the people of Japan and the Prime Minister for the powerful commitment of a $5 billion over the next five years to support our shared civilian efforts in Afghanistan, as well as the commitment of a billion dollars to Pakistan.
This underscores Japan's prominent role within a broad international coalition that is advancing the cause of stability and opportunity in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I shared with the Prime Minister our efforts in refining our approach to make it more successful in the coming year.
We discussed our shared commitment to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and ultimately seeking a world without them. Since I laid out a comprehensive agenda in Prague to pursue these goals Japan has been an outstanding partner in those efforts. And together we passed a historic resolution in the Security Council last September. We are building a new international consensus to secure loose nuclear materials and strengthen the nonproliferation regime.
And to that end, we discussed both North Korea and the situation in Iran, recognizing that it's absolutely vital that both countries meet their international obligations. If they do, then they can open the door to a better future. If not, we will remain united in implementing U.N. resolutions that are in place and continuing to work in an international context to move towards an agenda of nonproliferation.
Finally, we discussed our partnership on energy issues and climate change. The United States and Japan share a commitment to developing the clean energy of the future and we're focused on combating the threat of climate change. This is an important priority for us; I know it's an important priority for the people of Japan. And we discussed how we can work together to pave the way for a successful outcome in Copenhagen next month.
So I believe that we are off to a very successful start. I'm looking forward to continuing the conversation during dinner, as well as as we both travel to Singapore. And I am confident that we will continue to strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance so that it serves future generations.
Thank you very much.
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Thank you very much. Now I'd like to proceed to questions. I will appoint the person, and once you are appointed, please come to the microphone, state your name and affiliation, and also to whom -- please state to whom you want to pose your question.
On behalf of the Japanese press, please.
Q Fuji Television. Matsuyama is my name. I'd like to ask both leaders -- first to Prime Minister Hatoyama. You have stated that you would like to see Japan enjoy a more equal relationship with the United States in talks about Afghanistan and also the ending of the refueling operations and global warming and nuclear disarmament. Do you think that you're able to talk as equal partners and gain understanding on this point, especially on the Futenma relocation? There is the observation that this will be a difficult issue to resolve, but how did you explain about how to resolve the timeline for resolving this issue?
And to President Obama, you are a proponent of a nuclear-free world, and you've stated, first of all, you would like to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki while in office. Do you have this desire? And what is your understanding of the historical meaning of the A-bombing in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Do you think that it was the right decision?
And also considering the North Korean situation, how do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance should be strengthened, and how should both countries cooperate in the field of nuclear disarmament?
And also on the Futenma relocation issue, by when do you think the issue needs to be resolved? And should it be that Japan carry over the discussion -- decision to next year, or decide on something outside of what is being discussed? How would you respond?
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Let me start. I was asked a great deal of questions to -- especially President Obama, but I'd like to talk about the equal relationship. But before I state so, the President himself has said naturally that we are equal partners and should be equal partners. So in this context we have talked about the assistance to Afghanistan, climate change, and furthermore, nuclear abolishment. And I think you can ask him, but I do believe that he has regarded us, Japan, as an equal partner. I have raised a number of issues on my side, and I think this is proof of our equal partnership.
On the issue of the relocation of the Futenma air station, in regards to this issue, well, to give you the conclusion, there is the high-level working group -- we've set up this group so as to be able to resolve the issue as early as possible. And we stated this and my commitment was also expressed during our talks.
But before that, I have explained why we have this discussion, and under the previous government, the U.S.-Japan agreement needs to be regarded seriously. During the election campaign, especially to the Okinawans, I've stated that we would consider relocation outside of Okinawa and outside of the country. It is a fact that we did campaign on this issue, and the Okinawans do have high expectations.
It will be a very difficult issue for sure, but as time goes by, I think it will become even more difficult to resolve the issue. Especially the residents in the Futenma district will find it even more difficult to resolve the issue as time goes by.
So we do understand we need to resolve the issue as soon as possible, and we'll make every effort to resolve the issue as quickly as possible within the working group.
And we hope that this will lead the way to strengthening our alliance, and I sincerely hope that such discussions will take place within the working group. And this is something I have communicated to the President.
President, please.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, I am impressed that the Japanese journalists use the same strategy as American journalists -- (laughter) -- in asking multiple questions.
Let me, first of all, insist that the United States and Japan are equal partners. We have been and we will continue to be. Each country brings specific assets and strengths to the relationship, but we proceed based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and that will continue.
That's reflected in the Japan-U.S. alliance. It will be reflected in the resolution of the base realignment issues related to Futenma. As the Prime Minister indicated, we discussed this. The United States and Japan have set up a high-level working group that will focus on implementation of the agreement that our two governments reached with respect to the restructuring of U.S. forces in Okinawa, and we hope to complete this work expeditiously.
Our goal remains the same, and that's to provide for the defense of Japan with minimal intrusion on the lives of the people who share this space. And I have to say that I am extraordinarily proud and grateful for the men and women in uniform from the United States who help us to honor our obligations to the alliance and our treaties.
With respect to nuclear weapons and the issues of non-proliferation, this is an area where Prime Minister Hatoyama and I have discussed repeatedly in our meetings. We share, I think, a vision of a world without nuclear weapons. We recognize, though, that this is a distant goal, and we have to take specific steps in the interim to meet this goal. It will take time. It will not be reached probably even in our own lifetimes. But in seeking this goal we can stop the spread of nuclear weapons; we can secure loose nuclear weapons; we can strengthen the non-proliferation regime.
As long as nuclear weapons exist, we will retain our deterrent for our people and our allies, but we are already taking steps to bring down our nuclear stockpiles and -- in cooperation with the Russian government -- and we want to continue to work on the non-proliferation issues.
Now, obviously Japan has unique perspective on the issue of nuclear weapons as a consequence of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And that I'm sure helps to motivate the Prime Minister's deep interest in this issue. I certainly would be honored, it would be meaningful for me to visit those two cities in the future. I don't have immediate travel plans, but it's something that would be meaningful to me.
You had one more question, and I'm not sure I remember it. Was it North Korea?
Q Whether or not you believe that the U.S. dropped a nuclear weapon on Hiroshima and Nagasaki -- it was right?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: No, there were three sets of questions, right? You asked about North Korea?
Q I have North Korea as well, yes.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes. With respect to North Korea, we had a extensive discussion about how we should proceed with Pyongyang. Obviously we were disturbed by the testing that took place, some of the belligerent actions that had taken place in an earlier period of this year. We have continued to say that our goal is a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula. That's vital for the security of East Asia.
And the United States and Japan, with the other members of the six-party talks, will continue to work to show North Korea that there is a pathway, a door, for them to rejoin the international community that would serve their people well and I believe enhance their security over the long term. They have to walk through that door. In the meantime, we will continue to implement the sanctions that have already been put in place, and we will continue to coordinate closely with Japan and the other six-party members in helping to shape a strategy that meets our security needs and convinces Pyongyang to move in a better direction.
MR. GIBBS: Jennifer Loven with AP -- questions fewer in number. (Laughter.)
Q Thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister. President Obama, how can you assure the American people that a trial of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, now that your administration has now decided will take place in a civilian court in New York, will be safe and secure, but also not result in an innocent verdict for him?
And on Afghanistan, if I might, can you explain to people watching and criticizing your deliberations what piece of information you're still lacking to make that call?
And if I could add one to the Prime Minister, please. Can you explain your country decided not to continue refueling ships going to Afghanistan?
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Mr. President?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: With respect to Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, I believe that the Attorney General is going to be making an announcement this morning in the United States, this evening here. I don't want to preempt his news conference. This is a prosecutorial decision as well as a national security decision.
Here's the thing that I will say. I am absolutely convinced that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed will be subject to the most exacting demands of justice. The American people will insist on it and my administration will insist on it. And I'm sure we'll have additional things to say after the Attorney General's press conference.
With respect to Afghanistan, Jennifer, I don't think this is a matter of some datum of information that I'm waiting on. It's a matter of making certain that when I send young men and women into war, and I devote billions of dollars of U.S. taxpayer money, that it's making us safer, and that the strategies that are placed not just on the military side but also on the civilian side are coordinated and effective in our primary goal, which is to make sure that the United States is not subject to attack and its allies are not subject to attack by terrorist networks, and that there is a stability in the region that helps to facilitate that larger goal.
And I recognize that there have been critics of the process. They tend not to be folks who I think are directly involved in what's happening in Afghanistan. Those who are recognize the gravity of the situation and recognize the importance of us getting this right.
And the decision will be made soon. It will be one that is fully transparent so that the American people understand exactly what we're doing and why we're doing it and what it will entail. It will also I think send a clear message that our goal here ultimately has to be for the Afghan people to be able to be in a position to provide their own security, and that the United States cannot be engaged in an open-ended commitment.
So I am very pleased with how the process has proceeded. And those who participated I think would acknowledge that it has been not a academic exercise, but a necessary process in order to make sure that we're making the best possible decisions.
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: I thank you for keeping it to just one question, having come all the way to Japan. Now, your question was about why we ended the refueling in the Indian Ocean. And we believe that Japan's assistance to Afghanistan will -- in the larger context, terms should be considered. And as for antiterrorism, in order to eradicate terrorism, there is a need to take certain measures, but we have to consider what Japan should be doing in terms of antiterrorism. I think that it's important that we extend civilian support so as to eliminate terrorism from its roots. And I do believe that this is appropriate for Japan, and this is the first point that I want to communicate to you.
And also, the refueling support, I've looked at the activities. Compared to the beginning recently, the refueling support is declining. Last month, in one month, there was only one -- refueling for one ship. And we wonder how much effect we are bringing about. And so I think that we have to consider the meaning of this logistic support, and we've come to think that there is another type of assistance that is more appropriate for Japan.
We understand that the Afghans are suffering from poverty and we have to save them from poverty. Also security is something of a challenge, and we need to take new activities. And also, to the former soldiers, we have to provide vocational training so that they do not have to rely on their guns; they can lay down their guns and seek a more fulfilling life.
And I believe that for Japan it is more appropriate, desirable, that we provide such civilian assistance. And as a result, conclusion, we have decided that instead of providing refueling, we provide an alternative package.
MODERATOR: Thank you very much. With this, we would like to conclude the joint news conference. And reporters please stay in your seats while the leaders leave the room. We thank you for your cooperation.
END
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release November 13, 2009
Remarks by President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama of Japan in Joint Press Conference
Kantei, Tokyo, Japan
8:24 P.M. JST
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: (As translated.) President Obama, I would like to welcome you to Japan. I'd like to express my heartfelt welcome to you. It is very hard -- despite the tragedy of the mass shooting in your country, that you have taken time out of a busy schedule to come and join us here today. We're very thankful to you.
And today we have had a 90-minute, very intensive discussion. I'm very happy to have had this opportunity to hold this discussion.
Well, we have come to call each other Barack and Yukio. I think I've grown quite accustomed to calling each other by our names. And we did cover a lot of ground today. First, for Japan's diplomacy, the U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone. And this is one thing I've stressed. But as time changes and as the international environment changes, there is a need for us to further develop and deepen the U.S.-Japan alliance to make it even more constructive and future-oriented alliance. This was what I proposed today.
And the U.S.-Japan alliance -- well, actually it so happens that next year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And starting from today we'll be starting a year to start a new process of deliberation. And I have made this proposal, and President Obama has given his consent and support towards this idea.
Now, the U.S.-Japan alliance, looking at it from the security front, naturally we have to cooperate in proliferation deterrence, on information protection, missile defense, and the use of other states amongst others. We need to consider these new systems for issuing security. And this is my thinking.
But the U.S.-Japan alliance is not just focused on security -- for example, disaster prevention, or health, education. We had many levels -- and also environmental issues, as well. We need to cooperate in all these areas so as to cooperate in the Asia Pacific and others so that we can further deepen our bilateral alliance. I believe that we have reached an agreement on these points.
Now, turning our eyes to the global situation, again there are different topics that we've covered. From our side, I've talked about Afghanistan and our support to Afghanistan. On to Afghanistan; we will not be taking part in the refueling, but instead providing civil assistance, and we are planning to mainly provide civil assistance of 5 billion yen in five years for agriculture, building of infrastructures, schools. So this is the type of assistance we want to provide. And also to improve security, we want to support the police force in Afghanistan. Furthermore, for the former soldiers, we want to provide vocational training. These are the types of things that we want to conduct.
I have communicated this to the President, and towards this new assistance package, President Obama in principle has stated his gratitude, appreciation for this assistance. And furthermore, when it comes to assistance to Afghanistan, it's important that we try to directly talk with one another as to the assistance to be provided.
Now, in the area of climate change, again, we have talked on this subject. By 2015, we have set out this goal of an 80 percent reduction. And both Japan and U.S. have agreed on this, and we want to make COP-15 a success, and we agreed to cooperate towards this end.
And including China and others, there are other issues that need to be resolved. And therefore we need to collaborate to address these challenges.
Now, in regards to nuclear disarmament, again, we have agreed to cooperate with one another. Now, in regards to nuclear issues and also climate change, we have issued a joint statement. And I do believe that this is quite innovative in itself, and the fact that we can take up these issues as core issues at the summit meeting is something of vital importance.
Now, on the economic front, well, the economy was not a major issue this time, but again, this might reflect the times in which we're living. And over dinner, maybe, we hope to be able to discuss the issue of the economy.
Now, in relation to nuclear issues, North Korea, Iran was also discussed from President Obama. And again, we have agreed to closely cooperate with one another. And Special Representative Bosworth will be visiting North Korea -- or may be visiting North Korea shortly. But this is on the premise of the six-party talks. And I do endorse this thinking and have stated so to the President.
And in regards to Iran, again, we have to support -- we would like to support the approach to Iran. On the one hand, we want to emphasize our historic relationship, but also, at the same time, I promise to strengthen our alliance vis-à-vis Iran.
And also, again, in Asia, President Obama has stated that we have some -- we do have a vital role to play, especially in East Asia. I have set out the concept of East Asian community, and this is because I believe that there is this alliance as the cornerstone on which we can rely.
And in Asia, the fact that the U.S. presence increases is something that has great extension towards at various levels in Asia and East Asia, and Asia on the whole. Both Japan and the United States should deepen, and as a result, in East Asia we hope to bring about peace, stability, and economic prosperity in this region. This is something that we have pledged.
I don't want to take up all the time myself, and therefore I'd like to conclude. But I do think that this summit meeting was extremely meaningful. And on this note, I'd like to once again say that I am very grateful to Barack, President Obama, to take time to join us here at Japan. And also, I'm thankful that he's chosen Japan as his first leg to his visit to Asia. And as Prime Minister, representing the Japanese people, I'd like to express my gratitude. Thank you.
And next, President Obama, please.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, good evening. It is a great honor to be making my first trip to Japan as President of the United States. I have fond memories of visiting Japan in my youth. I've been looking forward to this trip for some time. I'm only sorry that Michelle and the girls could not join us. The girls have been studying Japan in school, and so they have a great interest in Japanese culture. And hopefully I'll be able to bring them next time.
I want to thank the warm welcome that Prime Minister Hatoyama and the Japanese people have extended. I appreciate the graciousness with which you understood the delay that took place as a consequence of the tragedy at Fort Hood, Texas.
Japan is my first stop as President in Asia. I began my trip here in Tokyo because the alliance between the United States and Japan is a foundation for security and prosperity not just for our two countries but for the Asia Pacific region. In a few months we'll be marking the 50th anniversary of our alliance, which is founded on shared values and shared interests that has served our people so well and has provided peace and security for the region in an unprecedented way.
That anniversary, as Prime Minister Hatoyama pointed out, represents an important opportunity to step back and reflect on what we've achieved, celebrate our friendship, but also find ways to renew this alliance and refresh it for the 21st century. Both Yukio and I were elected on the promise of change, but there should be no doubt, as we move our nations in a new direction, our alliance will endure and our efforts will be focused on revitalizing that friendship so that it's even stronger and more successful in meeting the challenges of the 21st century. It's essential for the United States, it's essential for Japan, and it's essential for the Asia Pacific region.
Throughout my trip and throughout my presidency, I intend to make clear that the United States is a Pacific nation, and we will be deepening our engagement in this part of the world. As I said to Prime Minister Hatoyama, the United States will strengthen our alliances, build new partnerships, and we will be part of multilateral efforts and regional institutions that advance regional security and prosperity.
We have to understand that the future of the United States and Asia is inextricably linked. The issues that matter most to our people -- issues of economic growth and job creation, non-proliferation, clean energy -- these are all issues that have to be part of a joint agenda. And we had very productive discussions about these issues this evening.
It's true that because of the strength of our economic ties, that was not the first item on our agenda, but we are fortunately going to have the opportunity to spend a lot of time discussing that in Singapore in the coming days. As the world's two leading economies, we have spent a lot of time working together in the G20 to help bring the world back from the brink of financial crisis, and we're going to continue to work to strengthen our efforts so that we can expand job growth in the future. And we will be discussing with our APEC partners how to rebalance our deep economic cooperation with this region to strengthen our recovery.
The Prime Minister and I discussed our cooperation on Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I did thank the people of Japan and the Prime Minister for the powerful commitment of a $5 billion over the next five years to support our shared civilian efforts in Afghanistan, as well as the commitment of a billion dollars to Pakistan.
This underscores Japan's prominent role within a broad international coalition that is advancing the cause of stability and opportunity in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I shared with the Prime Minister our efforts in refining our approach to make it more successful in the coming year.
We discussed our shared commitment to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and ultimately seeking a world without them. Since I laid out a comprehensive agenda in Prague to pursue these goals Japan has been an outstanding partner in those efforts. And together we passed a historic resolution in the Security Council last September. We are building a new international consensus to secure loose nuclear materials and strengthen the nonproliferation regime.
And to that end, we discussed both North Korea and the situation in Iran, recognizing that it's absolutely vital that both countries meet their international obligations. If they do, then they can open the door to a better future. If not, we will remain united in implementing U.N. resolutions that are in place and continuing to work in an international context to move towards an agenda of nonproliferation.
Finally, we discussed our partnership on energy issues and climate change. The United States and Japan share a commitment to developing the clean energy of the future and we're focused on combating the threat of climate change. This is an important priority for us; I know it's an important priority for the people of Japan. And we discussed how we can work together to pave the way for a successful outcome in Copenhagen next month.
So I believe that we are off to a very successful start. I'm looking forward to continuing the conversation during dinner, as well as as we both travel to Singapore. And I am confident that we will continue to strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance so that it serves future generations.
Thank you very much.
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Thank you very much. Now I'd like to proceed to questions. I will appoint the person, and once you are appointed, please come to the microphone, state your name and affiliation, and also to whom -- please state to whom you want to pose your question.
On behalf of the Japanese press, please.
Q Fuji Television. Matsuyama is my name. I'd like to ask both leaders -- first to Prime Minister Hatoyama. You have stated that you would like to see Japan enjoy a more equal relationship with the United States in talks about Afghanistan and also the ending of the refueling operations and global warming and nuclear disarmament. Do you think that you're able to talk as equal partners and gain understanding on this point, especially on the Futenma relocation? There is the observation that this will be a difficult issue to resolve, but how did you explain about how to resolve the timeline for resolving this issue?
And to President Obama, you are a proponent of a nuclear-free world, and you've stated, first of all, you would like to visit Hiroshima and Nagasaki while in office. Do you have this desire? And what is your understanding of the historical meaning of the A-bombing in Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Do you think that it was the right decision?
And also considering the North Korean situation, how do you think the U.S.-Japan alliance should be strengthened, and how should both countries cooperate in the field of nuclear disarmament?
And also on the Futenma relocation issue, by when do you think the issue needs to be resolved? And should it be that Japan carry over the discussion -- decision to next year, or decide on something outside of what is being discussed? How would you respond?
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Let me start. I was asked a great deal of questions to -- especially President Obama, but I'd like to talk about the equal relationship. But before I state so, the President himself has said naturally that we are equal partners and should be equal partners. So in this context we have talked about the assistance to Afghanistan, climate change, and furthermore, nuclear abolishment. And I think you can ask him, but I do believe that he has regarded us, Japan, as an equal partner. I have raised a number of issues on my side, and I think this is proof of our equal partnership.
On the issue of the relocation of the Futenma air station, in regards to this issue, well, to give you the conclusion, there is the high-level working group -- we've set up this group so as to be able to resolve the issue as early as possible. And we stated this and my commitment was also expressed during our talks.
But before that, I have explained why we have this discussion, and under the previous government, the U.S.-Japan agreement needs to be regarded seriously. During the election campaign, especially to the Okinawans, I've stated that we would consider relocation outside of Okinawa and outside of the country. It is a fact that we did campaign on this issue, and the Okinawans do have high expectations.
It will be a very difficult issue for sure, but as time goes by, I think it will become even more difficult to resolve the issue. Especially the residents in the Futenma district will find it even more difficult to resolve the issue as time goes by.
So we do understand we need to resolve the issue as soon as possible, and we'll make every effort to resolve the issue as quickly as possible within the working group.
And we hope that this will lead the way to strengthening our alliance, and I sincerely hope that such discussions will take place within the working group. And this is something I have communicated to the President.
President, please.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, I am impressed that the Japanese journalists use the same strategy as American journalists -- (laughter) -- in asking multiple questions.
Let me, first of all, insist that the United States and Japan are equal partners. We have been and we will continue to be. Each country brings specific assets and strengths to the relationship, but we proceed based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and that will continue.
That's reflected in the Japan-U.S. alliance. It will be reflected in the resolution of the base realignment issues related to Futenma. As the Prime Minister indicated, we discussed this. The United States and Japan have set up a high-level working group that will focus on implementation of the agreement that our two governments reached with respect to the restructuring of U.S. forces in Okinawa, and we hope to complete this work expeditiously.
Our goal remains the same, and that's to provide for the defense of Japan with minimal intrusion on the lives of the people who share this space. And I have to say that I am extraordinarily proud and grateful for the men and women in uniform from the United States who help us to honor our obligations to the alliance and our treaties.
With respect to nuclear weapons and the issues of non-proliferation, this is an area where Prime Minister Hatoyama and I have discussed repeatedly in our meetings. We share, I think, a vision of a world without nuclear weapons. We recognize, though, that this is a distant goal, and we have to take specific steps in the interim to meet this goal. It will take time. It will not be reached probably even in our own lifetimes. But in seeking this goal we can stop the spread of nuclear weapons; we can secure loose nuclear weapons; we can strengthen the non-proliferation regime.
As long as nuclear weapons exist, we will retain our deterrent for our people and our allies, but we are already taking steps to bring down our nuclear stockpiles and -- in cooperation with the Russian government -- and we want to continue to work on the non-proliferation issues.
Now, obviously Japan has unique perspective on the issue of nuclear weapons as a consequence of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And that I'm sure helps to motivate the Prime Minister's deep interest in this issue. I certainly would be honored, it would be meaningful for me to visit those two cities in the future. I don't have immediate travel plans, but it's something that would be meaningful to me.
You had one more question, and I'm not sure I remember it. Was it North Korea?
Q Whether or not you believe that the U.S. dropped a nuclear weapon on Hiroshima and Nagasaki -- it was right?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: No, there were three sets of questions, right? You asked about North Korea?
Q I have North Korea as well, yes.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes. With respect to North Korea, we had a extensive discussion about how we should proceed with Pyongyang. Obviously we were disturbed by the testing that took place, some of the belligerent actions that had taken place in an earlier period of this year. We have continued to say that our goal is a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula. That's vital for the security of East Asia.
And the United States and Japan, with the other members of the six-party talks, will continue to work to show North Korea that there is a pathway, a door, for them to rejoin the international community that would serve their people well and I believe enhance their security over the long term. They have to walk through that door. In the meantime, we will continue to implement the sanctions that have already been put in place, and we will continue to coordinate closely with Japan and the other six-party members in helping to shape a strategy that meets our security needs and convinces Pyongyang to move in a better direction.
MR. GIBBS: Jennifer Loven with AP -- questions fewer in number. (Laughter.)
Q Thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister. President Obama, how can you assure the American people that a trial of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, now that your administration has now decided will take place in a civilian court in New York, will be safe and secure, but also not result in an innocent verdict for him?
And on Afghanistan, if I might, can you explain to people watching and criticizing your deliberations what piece of information you're still lacking to make that call?
And if I could add one to the Prime Minister, please. Can you explain your country decided not to continue refueling ships going to Afghanistan?
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: Mr. President?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: With respect to Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, I believe that the Attorney General is going to be making an announcement this morning in the United States, this evening here. I don't want to preempt his news conference. This is a prosecutorial decision as well as a national security decision.
Here's the thing that I will say. I am absolutely convinced that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed will be subject to the most exacting demands of justice. The American people will insist on it and my administration will insist on it. And I'm sure we'll have additional things to say after the Attorney General's press conference.
With respect to Afghanistan, Jennifer, I don't think this is a matter of some datum of information that I'm waiting on. It's a matter of making certain that when I send young men and women into war, and I devote billions of dollars of U.S. taxpayer money, that it's making us safer, and that the strategies that are placed not just on the military side but also on the civilian side are coordinated and effective in our primary goal, which is to make sure that the United States is not subject to attack and its allies are not subject to attack by terrorist networks, and that there is a stability in the region that helps to facilitate that larger goal.
And I recognize that there have been critics of the process. They tend not to be folks who I think are directly involved in what's happening in Afghanistan. Those who are recognize the gravity of the situation and recognize the importance of us getting this right.
And the decision will be made soon. It will be one that is fully transparent so that the American people understand exactly what we're doing and why we're doing it and what it will entail. It will also I think send a clear message that our goal here ultimately has to be for the Afghan people to be able to be in a position to provide their own security, and that the United States cannot be engaged in an open-ended commitment.
So I am very pleased with how the process has proceeded. And those who participated I think would acknowledge that it has been not a academic exercise, but a necessary process in order to make sure that we're making the best possible decisions.
PRIME MINISTER HATOYAMA: I thank you for keeping it to just one question, having come all the way to Japan. Now, your question was about why we ended the refueling in the Indian Ocean. And we believe that Japan's assistance to Afghanistan will -- in the larger context, terms should be considered. And as for antiterrorism, in order to eradicate terrorism, there is a need to take certain measures, but we have to consider what Japan should be doing in terms of antiterrorism. I think that it's important that we extend civilian support so as to eliminate terrorism from its roots. And I do believe that this is appropriate for Japan, and this is the first point that I want to communicate to you.
And also, the refueling support, I've looked at the activities. Compared to the beginning recently, the refueling support is declining. Last month, in one month, there was only one -- refueling for one ship. And we wonder how much effect we are bringing about. And so I think that we have to consider the meaning of this logistic support, and we've come to think that there is another type of assistance that is more appropriate for Japan.
We understand that the Afghans are suffering from poverty and we have to save them from poverty. Also security is something of a challenge, and we need to take new activities. And also, to the former soldiers, we have to provide vocational training so that they do not have to rely on their guns; they can lay down their guns and seek a more fulfilling life.
And I believe that for Japan it is more appropriate, desirable, that we provide such civilian assistance. And as a result, conclusion, we have decided that instead of providing refueling, we provide an alternative package.
MODERATOR: Thank you very much. With this, we would like to conclude the joint news conference. And reporters please stay in your seats while the leaders leave the room. We thank you for your cooperation.
END
日米首脳会談 共同会見の要旨朝日新聞 2009年11月14日
鳩山由紀夫首相とオバマ大統領の共同記者会見の要旨は以下の通り。
■鳩山首相 日本外交にとって日米同盟がすべての礎。時代の変遷、世界環境の変化によって、日米同盟をさらに深化、発展させていきたい。建設的、未来志向の新しい日米同盟を作り上げていきたい。１年かけて新しい協議のプロセスを進めようと提案し、大統領の了解を得た。
日米同盟は、新しい安全保障のシステムを構築する必要がある。防災、医療、保健、教育、環境問題もそうだ。
アフガニスタン支援問題では補給支援活動ではなく、民生支援を充実させたい。気候変動問題では２０５０年までに８０％削減という大きな目標に日米で合意した。気候変動枠組み条約の締約国会議（ＣＯＰ１５）を成功させるために協力しようと一致した。
アジアにおける米国の重要性について大統領から指摘があった。東アジア共同体を構想しているのも、日米同盟が基軸にあるからこそ。アジアでの米国のプレゼンスが高まることを大いに期待したい。
■オバマ大統領 日米同盟は両国だけでなくアジア・太平洋地域の安定と繁栄の基軸だ。ユキオと私は「変化をする」と約束して選ばれたが、同盟関係が強固なもので、友好関係がさらに強いものになることは間違いない。
アフガニスタン、パキスタンでの協力関係ではお礼を申し上げたい。核兵器の拡散を阻止し、核のない世界を目指す努力の中で、日本は傑出したパートナーだ。
■首相 普天間飛行場移設ではハイレベルのワーキンググループを設置し、できるだけ早い時期に解決すると申し上げた。日本政府として前政権の日米合意を重く受け止めている。ただ、選挙の時に、県外、国外（移設）と申し上げたことも事実。沖縄県民の期待感は強まっている。大変困難な問題で、時間がたてばより解決が難しくなる。
■大統領 作業部会は、在沖米軍再編に関する日米合意の履行に焦点を絞るものだ。作業を迅速に完了することを希望している。
我々は、「核のない世界」というビジョンを、長期的目標として共有している。具体的な措置をとらなければならない。核兵器が存在する限り、我々と同盟国のための抑止力を維持していく。
広島と長崎で原爆が投下されたことにより、日本は核兵器について特有の視点を持っている。首相が深い関心を持っているのはよく分かる。私が広島と長崎を将来訪れることができれば、非常に名誉なことだ。短期的には訪問の計画はないが、私にとって有意義だと考えている。
北朝鮮については、核実験や好戦的な行動を非常に懸念している。北朝鮮に対し、国際社会に再び参加する扉があるということを伝えたい。
■首相 アフガン支援では、テロの根源を断つという民政支援中心の支援が日本流の望ましい支援だと考えた。
2009年11月13日
未知なる感触で病みつき!?「∞シリーズ」第5弾はところてん東京ウォーカー2009年11月12日(木) 16時35分配信 / エンターテインメント - エンタメ総合
「∞プチプチ」や「∞エダマメ」などで大人気の「∞にできるシリーズ」に新しい商品が登場する。12月上旬、バンダイより発売される「∞ところてん」（630円）だ。
この商品は、「∞にできるシリーズ」の第5弾。同シリーズは、一度しか楽しめない行為を何度でも無限に楽しめて、病みつきになってしまう感触が最大の魅力。累計販売数500万個を突破する人気シリーズなのだ。
今回の新作は、ところてんを“ニョリッ”と押し出す感触を無限に楽しむことができる。本体に付属している押し出し棒を中に押し込むと、木目調の本体からところてんが“ニョリッ”と出てくる。何度も押し出したくなる感触が絶妙で、ついつい病みつきになってしまう楽しさ。ところてんの先には顔が描いてあり、押し出すたびに飛び出す表情も面白い。
さらに今回は、人気情報バラエティー番組「スッキリ!!」とコラボレーションした「∞ところてん スッキリ!!バージョン」（630円）も同時発売。本体には番組のイメージカラーであるイエローを採用し、ところてんの先には加藤浩次さんら番組出演者の顔が描かれている。
製品化に当たり、バンダイではところてんを押し出す感触について認知度を独自で調査。ところてんの認知率は99％とほぼ100％に近いものの、実際に押し出し棒を使ってところてんを食べた経験がある人は30％で、大多数の人が押し出す感触を経験したことがないことが分かったという。
「ところてんの感触をご存じの方はもちろん、まだ経験したことがない方にも、ところてんを押し出す未知なる感触を楽しんでほしいです」と広報担当者は言う。
ターゲットは30〜40代の男女で、2010年3月までに30万個の販売を目指す。ぜひ、ところてんのあの感触を、無限に楽しんでみてはいかが。【東京ウォーカー】
2009年11月12日
事業仕分け 飛び交う怒声、矢継ぎ早の質問に官僚も反撃2009年11月11日21時16分配信 産経新聞
国の予算の無駄遣いを洗い出そうとする「仕分け人」と、虎の子の事業や組織を死守しようとする官僚たち。１１日、完全公開で始まった政府の行政刷新会議による事業仕分け作業は、ときに怒声が飛び交う激しいやりとりが展開された。
■聞こえません！
仕分け作業の会場となったのは、国立印刷局の体育館。普段はバレーボールやバスケットボールのコートなどとして使われている。約１６００平方メートルの会場を、３つのワーキンググループ（ＧＷ）ごとに区切り、計３００の傍聴席を設けた。
午前９時半、一斉に作業を開始。が、突然、第３作業グループを傍聴していた高齢の女性ら数人が「全然聞こえません！」と声を上げた。傍聴者にはレシーバーで聴いてもらう仕組みをとったが、レシーバーが行き渡らなかった傍聴者から不満の声が出たのだ。結局、同日午後には事務方が陳謝し、スピーカーでアナウンスする方式に変えた。
騒然とした雰囲気の中で始まった議論で、仕分け人は官僚側に「事業に成果はあるのか」「法人理事に役所のＯＢはいるのか」などと矢継ぎ早に質問した。
ただ、文部科学行政を判定するブースでは、興味ないのか、自分のパソコンでインターネットの書き込みに興じる仕分け人の姿もあった。
■私の話も聞いて
その文部科学省の所管事業を担当した第３ワーキンググループ。国立青少年教育振興機構と教員研修センター、国立女性教育会館の３施設の予算が俎上（そじょう）に乗った。いずれも、自民党政権時代に整理合理化が検討されたものの、文教族の反対でうやむやになった施設だ。
口火を切ったのは財務省の主計官だ。
「教員研修センターは国が教員を１カ所に集める必要性は低下している。女性教育会館は議論を絞り込む必要がある」
蓮舫参院議員が「女性教育会館の稼働率は？」とたたみかけると、同館の女性理事長は「４４％…」と小さな声で答えるやいなや反撃に転じ、「私の話も聞いてください。一方的にただ質問に答えろというのは心外だ」と声を荒らげた。
仕分け人の統括役の枝野幸男衆院議員は「目的を話したい気持ちはわかるが、（事業としての）効果があるかどうかだ」と切り捨てた。結局、女性会館は予算削減、教員センターと青少年機構は「地方か民間へ委託」との結論になった。
■“大物”めぐり攻防
事業評価手法の見直しにとどまった道路整備事業でも仕分け人側と所管する国交省担当者との間で熱い議論が繰り広げられた。
「無駄が多い」との批判がつきまとう道路整備事業は仕分けの対象事業の中でも“大物”だ。仕分け人の関心は事業評価の仕組みに集中した。仕分け人からは「継続中の事業においても事業評価を行うべきだ」「安全性などに配慮しすぎるあまりコストが高くなっていないか」「景観や環境への影響も評価に入れてはどうか」との厳しい質問が投げかけられた。
ただ、国交省側の担当者も打たれっぱなしではない。新規事業の凍結などで２２年度予算の概算要求で道路整備費を前年度比約２０％削減した実績を盾に反撃を開始。「今後は老朽化などで維持修繕費用が膨らむ」と訴え、「引き続き事後評価の厳格化やコスト縮減に取り組んでいく」との姿勢を強調して国交省ペースに引き込むなど、仕分け人の切り込み不足が露呈する場面もみられた。
2009年11月11日
メリーゴーランド妻と日本で遊ぶとしたら、何をしたいか、話してみました。いろいろとあがった中で、ふと僕は「メリーゴーランド」を思い出しました。思い起こしてみれば、僕は「メリーゴーランド」に乗ったことがありません。乗るタイミングをことごとく逸してきたと言えます。
物心ついた５歳の頃には、既に生意気に「あんなこどもっぽいもの乗らないよ」と、搭乗拒否していました。その後、デートの裏技というか、シャレで学生時代にデート候補には挙げていましたが、結局実現せず、その後、あまり気にも留めていませんでした。
しかし、メキシコで映画を年間３００本近く見ていた頃に見た、フェリーニの映画「８1/2」のラストシーンに出てくるメリーゴーランドの含みのある画像が、強く印象に残りました。そして「メリーゴーランド」の持つ独特の華やかさと、もの悲しさが、僕自身の人生の折り返し地点に差し掛かっている今、フェリーニの画像とともに蘇ってきました。
白い木馬が上下運動しながら、音楽と共に円形のぴかぴかした場内を何度も回転する「メリーゴーランド」空々しく壮麗に飾り立てられて、唐突に始まり、唐突に終わります。淡々と同じコースを回転するようでいて、そこから見る景色は、メリーゴーランドの外側が、決して常に同じではないことで微妙に変わっていきます。
フェリーニの映画でも、主人公が現実と虚構を行ったりきたりしながら、ラストシーンで「人生は祭りだ。共に生きよう（“È una festa, la vita. Viviamola insieme”）」の台詞とともに、メリーゴーランドが登場します。
そんな気分を表現し得るメリーゴーランドはないものかと、探してみたら、すぐに見つかりました。「としまえん」の「カルーセル・エルドラード」1907年、ドイツのミュンヘンで名工といわれたヒューゴー・ハッセの手によって造られた歴史的な回転木馬です。ヨーロッパ各地をめぐった後、アメリカのコニーアイランドにある遊園地へ渡り、1971年「としまえん」にやってきました。100年の歴史を超えて、夢とロマンを語り継ぐ伝説の回転木馬なのです。（としまえんホームページより）
調べてみると、ますます気になってきました「メリーゴーランド」
（写真は、「としまえん」の「カルーセル・エルドラード」）
2009年11月09日
ハリケーン復活、メキシコ湾へ 中米では豪雨で91人死亡2009年11月9日10時18分配信 CNN.co.jp
マイアミ（CNN） カリブ海上で熱帯低気圧から再び勢力を強めたハリケーン「アイダ」は8日、メキシコ湾南部に到達し、米ルイジアナ州のジンダル知事は被害を警戒して非常事態宣言を出した。また、中米エルサルバドルでは豪雨により、同日までに91人が死亡した。
アイダは先週、中米ニカラグアに上陸して豪雨をもたらした後、カリブ海に抜けていったん熱帯低気圧に勢力を弱めていたが、8日朝までに再びハリケーンとなった。
米国立ハリケーンセンターによると、米東部時間同日午後4時の時点で、キューバ西端から西へ約155キロの海上を、時速17キロの速さで北北東に進んでいる。最大風速は約44メートル。今後は次第に勢力を弱める見通しだが、ルイジアナ州からフロリダ州にかけての沿岸部では9日から11日にかけ、豪雨や強風、高波などに警戒が必要だという。
一方、同センターによると、エルサルバドルに洪水や土砂崩れをもたらした豪雨は、アイダではなく、太平洋からの低気圧の影響で発生したとみられる。
