кѥ˥塼

޸Ρкѥ˥塼̤ưͻ֥Ǥϵ岹Ȳ˻ߤΤúи󾧤ޤиӽиȤϰ㤤ޤߤʴ㤤ΤǤ

2010ǯ11

ꥫǤȤǤʤϳƤޤ

ꥫγ򴱤ߤΥ꡼ɾ˽ϪƤޤ̵ǽȤ
ܤäݤȤꥹʤȤ

ޤʪɾäšܿͤˤȤäƤϤȤǤʤäǤ礦ۤ
ʱƶͿȤϻפʤΤǤ

Ǥ⡢ꥫäƹϡʬɤפƤ뤫ƹͤȤϤʤΤǤ

ƹͤƤߤ顢㤨С֥åΤˤϡꥫͼȤɤʤȤ
äƤޤ͡

ۥ磻ȥϥϤɤʤȤȻҶʹ줿Τϡ򤤤פȤ


ˤƤ⡢ƹι̳ʤϡΤޤޤǤϺγαƶȤ
Ȥ۲ˤؤƤޤ

 

Well, good afternoon. Do we have enough room in here? I want to take a moment
to discuss the recent news reports of classified documents that were illegally 
provided from United States Government computers. In my conversations with
counterparts from around the world over the past few days, and in my meeting 
earlier today with Foreign Minister Davutoglu of Turkey, I have had very productive
discussions on this issue.

֤ˤϡϹϽʬǤ礦֤ĺƹܤΥԥ塼ˡ
̩ʸ˴ؤ˥塼ƻˤĤä򤵤Ƥ餤ϡλΥ
󥿡ѡȤȤä礤ޤ桢ȥ륳Υȥ볰̳äȤääϤ
ΤǤ

The United States strongly condemns the illegal disclosure of classified
information. It puts people’s lives in danger, threatens our national security, and
undermines our efforts to work with other countries to solve shared problems. This 
Administration is advancing a robust foreign policy that is focused on advancing
America’s national interests and leading the world in solving the most complex
challenges of our time, from fixing the global economy, to thwarting international
terrorism, to stopping the spread of catastrophic weapons, to advancing human
rights and universal values. In every country and in every region of the world, we
are working with partners to pursue these aims.

ƹϡ̩ΰˡʳФ򤹤롣ϲ桹ι̱̿Ȥΰ
򶼤ޤ桹̤褷褦Ȥ¾ι񡹤ȶϤ礦ȤˤⰭƶͿ
롣ϡѶŪʳŸƤ롣ϥꥫιפ¥ʤ뤳Ȥȸߤʣ
褹뤿꡼ɤ뤳Ȥ濴Ǥ롣ĤޤꡢкѤΩľ顢Ū
ƥ˻ߡϡ˲ʼ̢˻ߡƤޤ͸Ūͤ¥ʤ˻ޤǤ
Ǥ롣ƤιƤϰˤơ桹ϤŪɵ᤹뤿¾Υѡȥʡ
ȰϤƤΤǤ

So let’s be clear: this disclosure is not just an attack on America’s foreign policy
interests. It is an attack on the international community – the alliances and
partnerships, the conversations and negotiations, that safeguard global security
and advance economic prosperity.

֤Ϥäꤵ̩γϡꥫγפФ빶ǤȤǤ
ʤϹݼҲФ빶Ǥ⤢롣ΰꡢкŪ˱ɤ¥ʤ褦Ʊ
ϴطгĤФ빶ʤΤ

I am confident that the partnerships that the Obama Administration has worked so
hard to build will withstand this challenge. The President and I have made these
partnerships a priority – and we are proud of the progress that they have helped
achieve – and they will remain at the center of our efforts.

֥ХۤȤƤѡȥʡåפϡѤȳοƤ롣ΤȻ
ϡѡȥʡåפͥ褷ƤơޤǤ˸ʤФؤ˻פäƤ뤷
ޤȤΤ˺ϤĤǤ

I will not comment on or confirm what are alleged to be stolen State Department
cables. But I can say that the United States deeply regrets the disclosure of any
information that was intended to be confidential, including private discussions
between counterparts or our diplomats’ personal assessments and observations.
I want to make clear that our official foreign policy is not set through these
messages, but here in Washington. Our policy is a matter of public record, as
reflected in our statements and our actions around the world.

ֻϡޤ줿ȤƤ̳ʤγŤ˴ؤȤ뤳Ȥ⤷ʤǧ⤷ʤ
ϡ̩Ȥ줿ǡʤ󤬳줿Ȥ˴ؤƿ䴸˻פ󤬥󥿡
ƱΤλŪʲäǤäƤ⡢ޤ򴱤θĿŪɾȯǤäƤǤ롣桹θ
ʳˤϡȯˤäƷΤǤϤʤ亮ȥǷȤȤϤ
ꤵƤ桹ˤϡʵϿ˻ĤΤǤꡢ桹ʸˤ
桹ιưȿǤȤǤ

I would also add that to the American people and to our friends and partners, I
want you to know that we are taking aggressive steps to hold responsible those
who stole this information. I have directed that specific actions be taken at the
State Department, in addition to new security safeguards at the Department of
Defense and elsewhere to protect State Department information so that this kind
of breach cannot and does not ever happen again.

֤ޤ¾ΤȤդäꥫι̱Ȳ桹ͧͤơѡȥʡФ
桹ϤξԤФǤ餻٤б򤹤ĤǤ뤳ȤΤä
餤ˡʻ郎٤ȵʤ褦ˡޤʤ褦ˡʤ䤽
ξʤˤƤ̳ʤξ뤿οʰк˲äơ̳ʤˤƤ̤б
򤹤뤳Ȥ̿ȤǤ

Relations between governments aren’t the only concern created by the publication
of this material. U.S. diplomats meet with local human rights workers, journalists,
religious leaders, and others outside of governments who offer their own candid
insights. These conversations also depend on trust and confidence. For example,
if an anti-corruption activist shares information about official misconduct, or a
social worker passes along documentation of sexual violence, revealing that
person’s identity could have serious repercussions: imprisonment, torture, even
death.

ֺξγˤäܴ֤δطǰ櫓ǤϤʤƹγ򴱤ϡ
Ϥο͸ΤγưȤ䥸㡼ʥꥹȡϽΤλƳԤȲäƤ롣ޤΨľʰ
Ҥ٤ʳδطԤˤäƤ롣ä礤ϡ˴ŤΤǤ롣㤨
СɻߤγưȤͤ԰٤ˤĤƾͭƤ䡢
Ū˽ԤˤĤƤʸϤơοʪοȸꤵ뤳ȤˤʤСʷ̤
Ǥ롣줿ꡢꡢϻ˻⤢Τ


So whatever are the motives in disseminating these documents, it is clear that
releasing them poses real risks to real people, and often to the very people who
have dedicated their own lives to protecting others.

֤Ф黵ȤưǤ졢줬¤ο͡˸¤Υꥹ餻뤳Ȥ
餫Ǥꡢޤ¾ͤ뤿˼ʬ̿Ƥ͡˱ƶͿ뤳Ȥ褯뤳ȤʤΤ

Now, I am aware that some may mistakenly applaud those responsible, so I want
to set the record straight: There is nothing laudable about endangering innocent
people, and there is nothing brave about sabotaging the peaceful relations
between nations on which our common security depends.

֤ǤΤԤְä˫Τͤ뤫⤷ʤϸ̵
ο͡˻Ȥ˫줿ȤǤϤʤ桹ζ̤ΰݾ㤬äΩĹȴ֤ʿ
´ط»ʤȤͦǤⲿǤʤȤʤΤ

There have been examples in history in which official conduct has been made
public in the name of exposing wrongdoings or misdeeds. This is not one of those
cases. In contrast, what is being put on display in this cache of documents is the
fact that American diplomats are doing the work we expect them to do. They are
helping identify and prevent conflicts before they start. They are working hard
every day to solve serious practical problems – to secure dangerous materials,
to fight international crime, to assist human rights defenders, to restore our
alliances, to ensure global economic stability. This is the role that America plays in
the world. This is the role our diplomats play in serving America. And it should
make every one of us proud.

˾塢˽Ȥ̾βܤΤäȤˤ줿⤢롣ϡ
ϰ㤦ΤषդˡƤΤϡƹγ򴱤Ԥ줿Żºݤ˹ԤäƤ
뤳Ȥ򼨤ΤǤ롣ϻŻϤ˾ͤ뤳Ȥ򤷤褦Ȥ롣ϡ
̿Ưƽ褷褦ؤƤ롣ʪ򸷽Ťݴɤ뤿ˡϡ
ȺƮˡϡ͸ݸԤٱ礹뤿ˡϡƱط뤿ˡ
ơкѤΰΤʤΤˤ뤿ˤǤ롣ȤDz̤Ƥ륢ꥫ
Ǥ롣ޤȤꥫ˿Ԥ˳򴱤̤ƤǤ롣ơ桹
ï⤬ؤ餷פΤǤ

The work of our diplomats doesn’t just benefit Americans, but also billions of
others around the globe. In addition to endangering particular individuals,
disclosures like these tear at the fabric of the proper function of responsible
government.

ֳ򴱤Ưϡꥫͤפ⤿餹ФǤϤʤβȤʹ֤Τˤ
ʤäƤ롣ƾ˽Ϫ뤳Ȥϡοͤ˻ǤϤʤǤܤŬ
˵ǽƺ夲뿥ʪ򤺤ڤƤޤ

People of good faith understand the need for sensitive diplomatic communications,
 both to protect the national interest and the global common interest. Every
country, including the United States, must be able to have candid conversations
about the people and nations with whom they deal. And every country, including
the United States, must be able to have honest, private dialogue with other
countries about issues of common concern. I know that diplomats around the world
share this view – but this is not unique to diplomacy. In almost every profession 
– whether it’s law or journalism, finance or medicine or academia or running a
small business – people rely on confidential communications to do their jobs. We 
count on the space of trust that confidentiality provides. When someone breaches
that trust, we are all worse off for it. And so despite some of the rhetoric we’ve
heard these past few days, confidential communications do not run counter to the
public interest. They are fundamental to our ability to serve the public interest.

դο͡ϡȤפ뤿ˤ⡢ζ̤פ뤿ˤ٤ʳ
ջãɬפǤ뤳Ȥ򤹤롣ƹޤƤιϡ̤˴ؤơ¾ι񡹤ȤȤ
ľǸĿŪʲä򤹤뤳ȤǤʤƤϤʤʤγ򴱤ոǤȻפ
ϲ⳰ͭΤȤǤϤʤؤƤοȤˤƤǤ롣줬ˡΧˤ
ΤǤȡƻˤΤǤȡͻǤȡǤȡǤȡ
ϾŹηбĤǤȤǤ롣͡ϡŻ򤹤̩ξ˰¸Ƥ롣桹
̩ǤȤȤˤƤ롣ï΢ڤ桹Ϥ⤦˴
롣顢Ƥ뤳Ȥȿơ̩ä礤򤷤ȤäƸפȿΤ
Ϥʤϡפ˻Ť뤿β桹ǽϤˤȤäƤδפȤʤΤ

In America, we welcome genuine debates about pressing questions of public
policy. We have elections about them. That is one of the greatest strengths of our
democracy. It is part of who we are and it is a priority for this Administration. But
stealing confidential documents and then releasing them without regard for the
consequences does not serve the public good, and it is not the way to engage in a
healthy debate.

ƹǤϡ桹ϡܤˤ˵֤Ĥ뤿νʵ򴿷ޤ򤹤롣桹ϡΤ
Ԥ줬桹̱ζߤΰĤǤ롣줬桹ȤǤȤȤǤꡢ
ܤˤȤäͥ褹٤ȤǤ롣̩ʸळȡơ򡢤ʤȤ򤷤
ɤ̤ˤʤ뤫ͤ뤳ȤʤФ黵ȤϡΤˤʤ뤳ȤǤϤʤơ
ƷʵǤǤʤ

In the past few days, I have spoken with many of my counterparts around the
world, and we have all agreed that we will continue to focus on the issues and
tasks at hand. In that spirit, President Obama and I remain committed to
productive cooperation with our partners as we seek to build a better, more
prosperous world for all.

ֲ֡ϡ¿Υ󥿡ѡȤä򤷤Ƥơ˽椷
³ȤȤǰոפƤ롣ǡХΤȻϡ桹Υѡȥʡ
ŪʶϤ³뤳Ȥϡ桹ƤˤȤäƤɤ˭ۤȤ
뤫Ǥ롣

Thank you, and I’d be glad to take a few questions.

ͭ񤦡䤬Фɤ

 

 



Ǹޤɤĺ꤬Ȥޤ


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ͻۤ850桼Τ350桼ɤζԻٱ˸졢
Ĥ500桼ܤκٱ˸롢ȡ

ǤϡƤˤʤäƤϤɤʤäʤΤǤ礦

ϡ5.8

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ǡζĤǤšǤɥĤϡ7٤ζˤ٤Ǥȼĥ
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money˸ƤޤǤϤʤȡ

cheap money ˸Ƥޤ

ɥĤϡͻ˸ƤϺȸäƤ櫓ǤϹθ
ΤʤΤǤ礦

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͡

ɤܤƱ褦˹ĹãܤΤĤƤηкĹ֤ϴ
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ɤIMFʤɳλٱĤʤäܤϳλٱĤ
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ɤIMFʤɤλٱĤˡ۽̺;ʤ졢ղò
Ǥ䡢̳εͿǯκ︺ͽꤵƤ롣


줿10ǯȤ20ǯȤܷкѤǤǤ۽̺ɤҤ
˸ǤޤǤ館ܡ

ޤ礤˥ޥȻפޤ

ⳤڶ򤷤ƤʤäʤΤǤ

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ɵߺѤȸˤϡ

ɤؤλٱۤ850桼ˤʤȸƤޤΤϾ襢
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ɤʷˤʤΤǤ礦


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פޤ
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Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

1124ɤ4ǯκƷײȯɽޤ

4ǯ֤Ǻֻ150桼︺ƤˤʤäƤȤ

ɤפޤε

֤ȸƤš

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Ǥ⡢ܤȥɤǤϿ͸㤨GDP礭㤤ޤ

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ijդϤƤΤǤΤšϡ


Τϡ̲Ǥ

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̱줬ɥФؤѲƤʤΤϤΤȤǤɥȱߤ
ط礭ѲƤǤ顢̱ȱߤδط礭ѲƤǤĤ
ꡢ̱ϱߤФƤ礭Ѳ̱±߹ˤʤäƤ櫓Ǥ顢̱
ϱߤФ12٤ؤѲƤʤȤդϴְäƤΤǤ


äꤷ


ǡбԤΥꤵä䤷ޤΡϡä̲ߤβͤ򥳥
ȥǤΤȡ


ФǼǤϤޤǤñˡȯӾϡä̲
ͤ򥳥ȥ뤷Ƥ륱¿ΤȡϤϤ䳫ȯӾǤϤ
ΤǡʤȤ򤹤ΤǡʤΤʤΤȡ

Ǥϡï⿴ǼϤǤʤǤ

ǤϡγȯӾ̲ߤϡԾΥᥫ˥DzͤꤵʤΤ

ϴñʤȤʤΤǤ

Ծᥫ˥बƯˤϡ̲ߤԾǼͳ㤤뤳Ȥˤʤ
ǤȯӾϡĤܤ⤽Ǥä褦ˡܼ¤Ƥ뤿
ͳ̲ߤ㤤Ǥʤǡ̲ߤβͤ򥳥ȥ뤷䤹ʤȤ
ʤΤǤâβͤȤΤϡ˰ޤǤ¤줿ԾǤβͤǤ˲᤮
λԾͤˤĤƤϡ̲ߤβͤ򲼤뤳Ȥưפͤ⤯뤳Ȥ
ȤȤʤΤǤ

ǸˡäƳƹ̲ȺǸˤϤɤʤ뤫ȤȤ˿Ƥޤ
ɡΤȤܼʬäƤʤ褦ʲ˽äƤޤ

ĤޤꡢɤιˤȤäƤزͤ³뤳Ȥ˥ץ饹ˤʤΤǤϤ
եȤѤȤʤΤ̵¤˰褬뤳ȤʤɤʤȤ
ȤʬäƤʤΤǤ

Ӿ徴ȤϡǶᡢ¤̣ˤʤäƤ⡢Ȼפå򤪴ꤤ
ޤ
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤


 

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

ī˶ᤤˤ⤷Τǡ椬ܤƤޤīοʹߤȡ
λäΤ褦ʻ̤Ǥ

Ρīˤ⤷ΤʤȤ⳰Υǥ󤸤Ƥ櫓Ǥ¿
οͤ褦ˡ⤦ʰϤʤȸäơƤ
ȤǤϤʤǤ礦

ˤƤ⡢椬ܤбĺޤ

⤽˾夬Τ٤롣ơб٤ˡθȤ
ʤ

īˤƥӤ򸫤ΤäʤơΤʤȤޤǸΤǤ礦Ĥ
ľ˸ʤˡΡľˤΤǤ礦ʤȤäƤ
Ƥ⡢̱԰¤ˤʤʤΤǤ

ۤ򶯲٤ȤФƤޤš⤽⡢īϡۤݤƤ
ʤ⡢ʤɤˤīƲȽФƤ櫓ǤȤޤ

̱ޤϡˤʤäīعμ̵ľȸäƤ褦Ǥ
͡īοʬФפ줿͡ܤ֤褦˶äƤƤ
ǤФȤ⤫ʬäƤǤīعˤٵ뤹뤳ȤϤ
⤪äǤΤǤ

ޤˤƤ⡢īˤ⤷ΤīϲͤƤΤ

ʤȤϲʬäƤʤ顢԰¤ʴ򤷤ơ򽸤褦˻
򤷤ʤɤȸäƤΤǤϤʤΤǤ礦

īϤʤΤơȤȤơܤȤƤϤɤ
б٤ʬ˹ͤʤ԰¤ˤʤäƤΤǤ礦


ܤϡ֤ޤζϤ򤳤κݵᡢơͽ̤ȤƤ
ʤɤ󤸤Ƥޤ֤ǤȹͤΤǤСޤεİǤ
Ƥä˵Ѥ̤εˤʤʤȡɤϾڤʤΤǤϤʤΤǤ礦

ˡνȤʢää򤷡νȤƹۤʤȤˤϡȤƤǤϤʤ
ɤбԲǽǤȸ虜ʤΤǤ


λޥߤ礭󤸤ʤˤϤʤ櫓ǤȤդ
Ƥ뤳ȼΤīκ˾褻ƤȤȤ˵ĤʤФ
ޤ



ˤƤīϡšȻפäå򤪴ꤤפޤ
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

ɤκδؿ򽸤Ƥޤ

Ǥ⡢ɤȤäƤ⥤ޥԤȤʤ櫓ͤ¿Ǥ

ɤäơ

ɤȤϰäʡšΤѹκ¦ΡšáɤäƱѹ
ΰää

ޤɤȤСॹߥιˤϡ㥬翩ˤƤ
ꡢ⤷ѹͤ㥬翩ˤСšʤɤȤäФƤ櫓Ǥ

ϡʶפФͤ⤤뤫⤷ޤ󤬡


ȤȤǡɤκˤĤơϤƤߤȻפޤȤ
äƤ⡢BBCμǤ

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-11766346



ΡɤϺ˴٤äΤ


ɤκθϡưХ֥뤬ȡ

ʤϡԡ5060

̡ԤΥǥ٥åѡͻɺĸˡ

ΤᡢܤˤԵߺѻ450桼˳硣

ܤκֻGDP32ˡ2010ǯˡ

ܤ顢λٱ䡣

ͳϡ˻ٱĤС12.5ȤΨˡǤ夲ȸ
ɬ顣ʤ㤤ˡΨˤäƳȤͶפ

Ǥϡεޤ˳λٱĤȤˤΤ

ɤζԤηбƤפγƤȤȽ顣

Ԥ¿ϹIJƤꡢԤκ̳Ϲκ̳Ȥʤ롣

ɤζԤˤߤƤΤϳζԤǤ롣

ɤǥեȤ򵯤СζԤ롣

ޤǥեȤ򵯤гդꡢɹĤζ⤯ʤ롣

Ϥ䡢ǤϤʤ֤ˤʤä

ɬפȤߺѻεϤ1000桼

νФϡͻ١EFSM)IMFѹܤʤɡ

ե󥹤ȥɥĤˡΨΰ˾ʥɤˡΨ᤮
եȼĥ

㻲͡䡡

Ireland, which is often called the Irish Republic to distinguish it from British
Northern Ireland, emerged from the conflict that marked its birth as an
independent state to become one of Europe's economic success stories.

֥ɡϱѹ̥ɤȶ̤뤿˥ɶ¹ȤФ
иƤФ뤬ΥɤϾͤΤʤΩȤȤо줷ơ衼
Ѥηкѥȡ꡼ΰĤȤʤä

Long under English or British rule, Ireland lost half its population
in the decades following the Great Potato Famine of the 1840s, becoming
a nation of emigrants. After World War I, independence from the United
Kingdom was only achieved at the price of civil war and partition.

Ĺֱѹˤä桢ɤ1840ǯ絲θοǯ
֤ǿ͸Ⱦʬ򼺤äư̱ιˤʤΤǤ롣켡θ塢ʬ
äƱѹ񤫤Ω

Since the country joined the European Community in 1973, it has been
transformed from a largely agricultural society into a modern,
high-technology economy.

֥ɤϡ1973ǯ˲ƱΤ˲塢ȹȤŪʥϥƥкѤ
ѿȤ뤲


Overview

For centuries British dominion in Ireland gave rise to unrest which finally
erupted into violence with the Easter Rising of 1916, when independence
was proclaimed. The rising was crushed and many of its leaders executed,
but the campaign for independence carried on through a bloody Anglo-Irish
War of 1919-1921.

ֲˤˤäƥɤФѹλۤ³ƤΤ
ǡǽŪˤ1916ǯΥ˪ꡢΩ줿ΤǤ롣
˪ޤ졢¿ƳԤ跺줿Ωư³
1919ǯ1921ǯΥ󥰥ݥåޤ³ΤǤä


It was in 1922 that 26 counties of Ireland gained independence from London
following negotiations which led to the other six counties, part of the
province of Ulster, remaining in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. Partition was followed by a year of civil war.

֥ɤ26ɥ󤫤Ω򾡤äΤ1922ǯΤȤǤꡢ륹
6Ĥν˻Ĥ뤳Ȥˤʤäʬθ˹Ԥ줿

Relations between Dublin and London remained strained for many years
afterwards. Northern Ireland saw decades of violent conflict between those
campaigning for a united Ireland and those wishing to stay in the United
Kingdom.

֥ȥɥδطϡθĹֶĥ֤ˤ롣̥ɤϡ
ɤȱѹαޤꤿԤδ֤Dzǯˤˤä˽Ūͤ򷫤֤Ƥ

In an unprecedented and concerted effort to resolve the situation, the Irish
and UK governments worked closely together in negotiations which led to
the Good Friday Agreement on the future of Northern Ireland in 1998.

֤褹뤿ˡޤǤˤʤƱȤ³ʤǡ
ܤȱѹܤϸĤԤ1998ǯ̥ɤξ˴ؤ륰åɡե饤ǡ
դ˻뤳Ȥˤʤä

 
Boom to bust

Ireland's economy began to grow rapidly in the 1990s, fuelled by foreign
investment. This attracted a wave of incomers to a country where,
traditionally, mass emigration had been the norm.

֥ɤηкѤϡ1990ǯ˳˲졢®Ĺ򤷻Ϥ᤿줬
ޤǤϳ˰ܽΤ̾ǤäΤˡդ˰ܽԤƤӴ󤻤뤳Ȥˤʤä

The boom that earned Ireland the nickname of "Celtic Tiger" faltered when
the country fell into recession in the wake of the global financial crisis of
2008.

֥ȤθפȤ˥å͡ޤɤΥ֡ϡ2008ǯͻ
θ˥ɤʵळȤˤäƽޤ

The property boom had been fuelled by massive lending from the banks,
and when this collapsed - and lenders were unable to repay - the Irish
banking system was plunged into crisis.

ư֡ϡԤ̤ͻˤä줿ƤΥ֡ब
ˡɤζԥƥϴ˴٤äΤǤ

The Irish economy underwent one of the deepest recessions in the
eurozone, with its economy shrinking by 10% in 2009.

֥ɤηкѤϡ桼ǺǤ⿼ʷкѸи2009ǯˤϡ
Ѥ10̾ΤǤ

In November 2010, Ireland and the EU agreed a financial rescue package
for the republic worth tens of billions of euros, ending weeks of speculation
about a bail-out.

2010ǯ11ɤEUϡɴ桼ȤϤζͻߺѥѥå˹
դơߺѤ˴ؤǤ굡򽪤餻


ɤȸʤ顢ʬιζԤ롣ޤɤ
ȸʤ顢ˡΨ᤮Ȥդ롣줬ȤΤʤΤǤ
Ĥ⥯å꤬Ȥޤ
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

ˡ꤬Բ񸫤Ԥޤ

ֻѰդȯƶͽξ㳲ˤʤäƤ뤳Ȥͤ®䤫
̤٤䤫ȤƤȿľͼ

ȤƤϡƤ⼭ʤƤɤǤ⤤ΤǤšʤȤäޤ
Ƥޤ⤷ޤ͡

ΤϤȤƤ⡢δ˼Ĺˡ̳ä̳ΤǤ

줬ʬ

ñ2ĤΥե졼ФƤкѤ褦ʥݥȤǤϤʤȤΤǤСš
ïˡ̳äǤ̿٤ǤϤʤΤǤ礦

줬˼Ĺ̳ʤơ

ˡ˼Ĺ⼺ߤʤȤ򷫤֤Ƥꡢˡ餱Ȥʤ
ɡ


ˤƤ⡢ˡ꤬ΤʲǽԤ򤷤ΤͳΤꤿ

ʤȤפäƤΤǤīƥӤ򸫤Ƥ顢ĵİθĹߤ
ͤäƤΤǤǤˡȤ˳ǻ꤬ǤʤʤäΤȸ
äƤޤ

ʤΤǤʤ˶ϫƤΤǤ

Ǥ⡢ʤ˶ϫȤΤǤСΡΤ褦ʥ륭夬ä

ǡäȡΤ褦ʾܤޤ

ĻϺǽХȤΤĤǼŹդϤ᤿顤ٶäΤǤαǯ
Ƥޤ䤿ơޤޤʤƻؤΤǤäʡ


ääϤޤʤ餢ꤽäǤ

ˡΤ褦ʾ

̭ˡ̳äľʹáȫؤɤؤǼʿͤ
򡩡١ġؼʤʢäѤ٤ä١ȫذ¦ʤǤ١ġإ
ڤ»̣̣ͤʤ㤪Ҥ˽Фʤ١ľʿͤ


ʡ륭ϤʤʤäȤΤǤ

㤢ȤˤʤʤƹͤΤǤ礦

äˤʤꤿä顩

̱ޤϡ޻塢ɥӥͥåȤȤäƱƤˡ̳ä⤤櫓Ǥ
ΡäΤǤ礦ΡλαƤˡ̳äо줷ʤΤǤ礦


äˤʤ줿餽ǤȤȤ¿᤮롢Ȼפå򤪴ꤤפ
ޤ
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

ˡ̳äμˤʤäƤޤ

Ǥϻ֤Τ褦ʡ

ޤΤ褦ʤȤСޤǤΤȸ
Ǥ硩

ο͡⡹ΰ߲ȯ򤹤ΤǤФȤ⤫ޤäڡƥǤ
ʤȤȯơ줬ɤȿƤ֤ͽۤǤʤäΤǤ礦

ޤʤȤǤʤȤΤ⡢ϫΤ餺ʤΤǤ礦

Ǥ⡢˶ϫΤ餺ȽǤƤΤ

ο͡?ظ塢ؤ򤷤Ƥʲ󽤹Ԥ򤷤ƤΤǤ
͡

ĻΥȤžܤǤ


ǯ  1954ǯ116ʣ¡ 
  縩ʡ 
  縩 

С   1973ǯ4?
  ؼءʲǿ
               1981ǯ9عزʺ 
               1983ǯ3عز´ 
  1983ǯ4ҿݽ⹩

 
ͤǤ硩̤οͤ٤ƼҲͤˤʤäƤ櫓Ǥʲ
ǤνԤС

䡢οͤä򼭤뤫ɤ⡢ɤƼʲǽԤΤΤ
̤ޤ͡ؤƤ虜虜ʲǽԤʤƹͤ
͡

ɤơΡ

ο͡ʲμ̿򥵥Ȥ˷ǺܤƤޤƬ˥ϥޥ򴬤
¦ޥΰؤФƤޤޤʼ̿ǺܤǤ顢
ʲˤʤäȤ褫äȹͤƤΤǤ礦

äȤ˺äؤؤȤȤǤϤʤΤǤ礦⤷˺ä
ؤȤΤǤСΤ褦ʤȤ򤷤Ǥʤƻפޤ󤫤

ͥåȤήƤǤϡο͡ϫȴǵİˤʤꡢơл˲
ƤȤ

⡢Ļ᤬ʬäƤȻפΤǤ

ο͡ȤäƤޤ͡

ֿääơؤ٤ȡǤȤä顢ˡȤ
ơؤá٤ƤäǤDzȡ⡢زĤˡ٤˶줷
Ǥ󤸤ʤȻפǤʤäΤϻǤϡΣǯᤤ
֡¤ˡ̳طϣ⿨줿ȤϤʤ



äѤꡢȯ򤹤Τ϶ϫ;ꤷƤʤȤȤǤ礦

̤˶ϫ򤷤餤ȤΤǤʤΤǤš̤ε䤬ͯƤޤ

ʬˡ̳äȤƤŬǤǤϤʤȡΤʤСˡ̳äȤɬפμ
ʤȡ

ǤϡɤƤʿͤˡ̳äˤΤ

ޤ줬ν˰¸Ƥ̱޻Ǥʬʤʤ櫓Ǥ̤
μʤƤ⡢μϴνǤƤơäϾQɼȽǤ
Τȡ

νۤˤȤΤμĥǤǤⴱνۤ
ȡƾģˤϡäǤʤ¿ȤǡȤ꡼
Τȡ

ä顢ɤƤʿͤäΤ

Ϲ̱ˤɤΤǤ礦

ϡˡΧ˾ܤʤ̱ŪȽǤǤ뤫Ǥ̿פȸäƤޤ
ʿͤˡ̳äǤ̿Фˡդ꤬ݤˤϡ濴Ū
̤٤ˡ̳äë˼Ĺλפޤޤšâ˼Ĺλؼ
ŪΤǤФ褫äǤºݤˤϤʷ̤򾷤ơ̱λٻ򼺤äƤ
ʤΤǤ

Ĥޤꡢλˡˡ̳ä륭äˤʤäƻشȯưƤС̱
ǼΤšȡ

Ʊǿͤοϡë˼ĹǤ뤷ʤäȤȤʤ
Ǥ


Ļ᤬ȤʤȤǤϤʤΤǤ


ɾȻפäå򤪴ꤤפޤΡʲǽԤ
ͳΤꤿš
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

Сʥ󥭵ĹΰŪʤȽƤޤߤι̲
٤ˤϷ٤äơ٤ͰƤʤФʤȤ⡣

ɤʤȤäΤǤ礦


Improving the International System

The current international monetary system is not working as well as it should.
Currency undervaluation by surplus countries is inhibiting needed international 
adjustment and creating spillover effects that would not exist if exchange rates
better reflected market fundamentals.

ָߤι̲٤ϡԤƤۤɤˤϾ꤯ǽƤʤо¦ˤ
ߤβᾮɾϡŪĴɬפǤ뤳Ȥ򼨤Ƥ뤷ޤ⤷إ졼ȤޡåȤ
ե󥿥륺ʬȿǤΤǤȤ鵯ʤ褦Ѥȯ򼨤Ƥ

In addition, differences in the degree of currency flexibility impose unequal
burdens of adjustment, penalizing countries with relatively flexible exchange rates.
What should be done?

ֲäơ̲߲ͤν٤κŪ˽Ǥ̲ߤˤȤäƤ»ˤʤ褦ʽŲ٤
ͿƤ

The answers differ depending on whether one is talking about the long term or the
short term. In the longer term, significantly greater flexibility in exchange rates to
reflect market forces would be desirable and achievable. That flexibility would help
facilitate global rebalancing and reduce the problems of policy spillovers that
emerging market economies are confronting today.

ϡĹŪäǤΤûŪäǤ뤫ˤäưۤʤ롣ĹŪˤϡإ졼Ȥ
ԾϤȿǤ褦˽ˤʤ뤳Ȥ˾ޤ뤳ȤǤ⤢ꡢޤϼ¸ǽʤȤǤ
롣ƽ褦ˤʤСŪԶѹդ˰㤦Ǥޤ
񤬺ľ̤ƤѤ¤뤳Ȥˤʤ

The further liberalization of exchange rate and capital account regimes would be
most effective if it were accompanied by complementary financial and structural
policies to help achieve better global balance in trade and capital flows. For
example, surplus countries could speed adjustment with policies that boost
domestic spending, such as strengthening the social safety net, improving retail
credit markets to encourage domestic consumption, or other structural reforms.

֤⤷ǰפܤήԶѹΤ䴰Ūʶͻȹ¤ĴȼΤǤ
Сإ졼ȤܼμͳϡǤŪʤΤȤʤ㤨СоϡҲŪ
եƥͥåȤζ¥ʤ뤿θĿͥԾβϤʳι¤
פʤѤĴ򥹥ԡɥåפǤǤ


For their part, deficit countries need to do more over time to narrow the gap
between investment and national saving. In the United States, putting fiscal policy
on a sustainable path is a critical step toward increasing national saving in the
longer term. Higher private saving would also help.

ַоֻȤƤϡ֤򤫤ߤκ褦ϤäȤɬפ롣ƹ
ˤƤϡ³ǽʺ¸뤳ȤĹŪ˹ߤ礵뤿ɬԲ
Ǥ롣Ŀͥ٥Ψ뤳ȤΩġ

And resources will need to shift into the production of export- and import-
competing goods. Some of these shifts in spending and production are already
occurring; for example, China is taking steps to boost domestic demand and the
U.S. personal saving rate has risen sharply since 2007.

֤ơ͢С͢˶羦ʤ˻񸻤򥷥եȤ뤳ȤɬפˤʤٽФˤ뤳
եȤϴ˵Ƥ롣㤨Сϡפ礵Ϥ򤷤Ƥƹ
2007ǯʹߡĿͤΨƤ

In the near term, a shift of the international regime toward one in which exchange
rates respond flexibly to market forces is, unfortunately, probably not practical for
all economies. Some emerging market economies do not have the infrastructure to
support a fully convertible, internationally traded currency and to allow unrestricted
capital flows.

ûŪˤϡԾϤФưإ졼Ȥȿ褦ʹŪ̲٤˥եȤ뤳
ϡԹʤȤʤƤιˤȤäƤϸŪʤȤǤϤʤǤкѹΤʤˤϡ
ʸ򴹲ǽ伫ͳʻܼǧۤɤھäƤʤ񤬤뤫Ǥ

Moreover, the internal rebalancing associated with exchange rate appreciation--
that is, the shifting of resources and productive capacity from production for
external markets to production for the domestic market--takes time.

֤ˡؤڤ夲Զѹդ뤳Ȥϡ˻񸻤
եȤ뤳ȤˤʤΤǡ֤ΤǤ

That said, in the short term, rebalancing economic growth between the advanced
and emerging market economies should remain a common objective, as a two-
speed global recovery may not be sustainable.

֤ȤϤΤΡۤʤä2ĤΥԡɤǤŪʷкѲϻ³ǽǤϤʤ⤷ʤ
ǡûŪˤʹ¦ȿ¦ĹΨζѹդ뤳Ȥ̤ɸǤʤФʤʤ

Appropriately accommodative policies in the advanced economies help rather
hinder this process. But the rebalancing of growth would also be facilitated if fast-
growing countries, especially those with large current account surpluses, would
take action to reduce their surpluses, while slow-growing countries, especially
those with large current account deficits, take parallel actions to reduce those
deficits.

ʹкѤˤŬ٤ʴϡץ˳ΤǤϤʤΤǤ롣
ĹΨԶѹϡ⤷ĹΨι⤤񡹡ä˵ۤηо񤬹︺Ϥ
ΤǤС¥ʤǤĹΨ㤤񡹡ä˵ۤηоֻϡֻ
򸺤餹Ϥ¹ԤƺΤ뤳Ȥˤʤ
 
Some shift of demand from surplus to deficit countries, which could be
compensated for if necessary by actions to strengthen domestic demand in the
surplus countries, would accomplish two objectives.

ַо񤫤оֻؼפ򥷥եȤ뤳ȤϡϡɬפǤй򶯲
뤳Ȥˤä䴰뤳ȤǤ뤬ĤŪãǤ

First, it would be a down payment toward global rebalancing of trade and current
accounts, an essential outcome for long-run economic and financial stability.
Second, improving the trade balances of slow-growing countries would help them
grow more quickly, perhaps reducing the need for accommodative policies in those
countries while enhancing the sustainability of the global recovery.

ˡĹŪʷкѡͻΰݤˤȤäɬԲķʤΤǤ롢ǰ׼ٵڤӷ
٤Զ˸ƤƬȤʤǤˡĹǰ׼٤뤳Ȥϡ
ιηкĹΨ뤳ȤΰȤʤꡢˤƴŪ»ܤɬ
뤳ȤˤʤꡢΰǡкѤβλ³ǽ뤳Ȥˤʤ

Unfortunately, so long as exchange rate adjustment is incomplete and global
growth prospects are markedly uneven, the problem of excessively strong capital
inflows to emerging markets may persist.

ԹʤȤˡإ졼ȤĴԴǤꡢкѤĹ̤衹Ǥ뤿ˡ
ԾؤλܤήȤ꤬³ǽ


Conclusion

As currently constituted, the international monetary system has a structural flaw: 
It lacks a mechanism, market based or otherwise, to induce needed adjustments
by surplus countries, which can result in persistent imbalances. This problem is not
new. For example, in the somewhat different context of the gold standard in the
period prior to the Great Depression, the United States and France ran large
current account surpluses, accompanied by large inflows of gold.

ָߤιݶͻƥȤΤϡ¤Ū٤ͭƤ롣ˤɬפĴ¥
ǽʤεǽԾθ˴ŤΤǤȤ⡢ϤǤʤȤǤ롣
ơη̡ԶѹդȯƤ롣ϿǤϤʤ㤨С網ˤ
⡢ܰ٤Ȥạ̈礤ˤƤǤ뤬äǤ롣ƹȥե󥹤ϡۤη
׾夷ơơεۤήäƤ

However, in defiance of the so-called rules of the game of the international gold
standard, neither country allowed the higher gold reserves to feed through to their
domestic money supplies and price levels, with the result that the real exchange
rate in each country remained persistently undervalued.

֤ǡʤݶ̤ܰȤ˵դäơͭ¿ۤζʥɡˤ
̲߶˽ơʪȿǤ뤳ȤϵʤäΤǤ롣η̡ºݤΰإ
ȤϰӤƲᾮɾ줿ޤޤǤäΤǤ

These policies created deflationary pressures in deficit countries that were losing
gold, which helped bring on the Great Depression.The gold standard was meant to
ensure economic and financial stability, but failures of international coordination
undermined these very goals.

֤ϡ⤬ήֻФǥե찵Ϥ򤫤줬網⤿餹Ȥˤʤ
ܰ٤ȤΤϡкѡͻΰݤΤǤäŪʶĴμԤ
äƤɸĤƤޤä

Although the parallels are certainly far from perfect, and I am certainly not
predicting a new Depression, some of the lessons from that grim period are
applicable today. In particular, for large, systemically important countries with
persistent current account surpluses, the pursuit of export-led growth cannot
ultimately succeed if the implications of that strategy for global growth and
stability are not taken into account.

٤ǤϤʤΤǤ뤬ơ䤬ȤΤͽƤΤǤʤ
λζ줤иؤϺˤΩĤΤäˡӤƵۤηоǤ
ˤȤäƤϡ͢лָĹɵڤϡǽŪˤ뤳ȤʤΤǤ롣⤷
άкѤĹȰˤȤäƤɤʤȤ̣ΤȤȤθʤȤ
СǤ 

Thus, it would be desirable for the global community, over time, to devise an
international monetary system that more consistently aligns the interests of
individual countries with the interests of the global economy as a whole. In
particular, such a system would provide more effective checks on the tendency for
countries to run large and persistent external imbalances, whether surpluses
or deficits.

֤ơˤȤäƤϡ֤򤫤ơġιפкΤפäĴ¤
褦ʹ̲٤ͰƤ뤳Ȥ˾ޤǤäˡ٤ϡǤֻǤ
ȡۤгԶѹդ׾夹񡹤Фͭʻߤ󶡤뤳Ȥˤʤ

Changes to accomplish these goals will take considerable time, effort, and
coordination to implement. In the meantime, without such a system in place, the
countries of the world must recognize their collective responsibility for bringing
about the rebalancing required to preserve global economic stability and
prosperity. I hope that policymakers in all countries can work together
cooperatively to achieve a stronger, more sustainable, and more balanced global
economy.

֤ɸԤ뤿ѳפˤλ֤ϤɬפȤʤΤ褦٤
ΤǤСι񡹤ϡкѤΰ˱ɤˤȤäɬפȤԶѹ¸ˤऱ
νĤȤƤǤ򴶤뤳ȤɬפǤ롣ϡƤιȤ궯ǤǡäȻ³
ǽǤäȶѹդΤȤ줿кѤ¸뤿˰פϤ뤳Ȥ˾

 


̲٤ȤäƤ񤷤ʡȻפå򤪴ꤤפޤ
↓↓↓
͵blog󥭥󥰤

Ȥ

Some shift of demand from surplus to deficit countries, which could
be compensated for if necessary by actions to strengthen domestic 
demand in the surplus countries, would accomplish two objectives.

ʸϤϡSome shift of demand from deficit to surplus countries Ǥ
ʤΤ

Υȥ꡼ϤƤʥ֥åޡɲ

ΥڡΥȥåץ