2005年03月01日

Free Culture Audio 字幕 ファイル (Preface)

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以前紹介した、Free Cultureの字幕ファイルを公開します。

これはSRT字幕形式というファイルです。詳しい人ならいろいろ遊べると思います。

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At the end of his review of my first book

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Code: And Other Laws of Cyberspace

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,David Pogue, a brilliant writer and author of countless technical and computer- related texts, wrote this:
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ライセンスは以下です。
Attribution-NonCommercial 2.0 Japan
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/2.0/jp/

全文載せています。
#ver 2005.03.01 Free_Culture_001_Preface
#-------------

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At the end of his review of my first book

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Code: And Other Laws of Cyberspace

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,David Pogue, a brilliant writer and author of countless technical and computer- related texts, wrote this:

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Unlike actual law, Internet software has no capacity to punish.

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It doesn't affect people who aren't online (and only a tiny minority of the world population is).

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And if you don't like the Internet's system, you can always flip off the modem

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Pogue was skeptical of the core argument of the book

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that software, or "code," functioned as a kind of law

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- and his review suggested the happy thought that if life in cyberspace got bad,

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we could always "drizzle, drazzle, druzzle, drome"- like simply flip a switch and be back home.

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Turn off the modem, unplug the computer, and any troubles that exist in that space wouldn't affect us anymore.

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Pogue might have been right in 1999 - I'm skeptical, but maybe.

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But even if he was right then, the point is not right now:

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Free Culture is about the troubles the Internet causes even after the modem is turned off.

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It is an argument about how the battles that now rage regarding life on-line have fundamentally affected people who aren't online.

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There is no switch that will insulate us from the Internet's effect.

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But unlike Code, the argument here is not much about the Internet itself.

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It is instead about the consequence of the Internet to a part of our tradition that is much more fundamental,

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and, as hard as this is for a geek-wanna-be to admit, much more important.

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hat tradition is the way our culture gets made.

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As I explain in the pages that follow, we come from a tradition of free culture

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- not free as in free beer (to borrow a phrase from the founder of the free-software movement,

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but free as in free speech, free markets, free trade, free enterprise, free will, and free elections.

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A free culture supports and protects creators and innovators.


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It does this directly by granting intellectual property rights.

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But it does so indirectly by limiting the reach of those rights, to guarantee that follow-on creators and innovators remain as free as possible from the control of the past.


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A free culture is not a culture without property, just as a free market is not a market in which everything is free.

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he opposite of a free culture is a permission culture - a culture in which creators get to create only with the permission of the powerful, or of creators from the past.

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If we understood this change, I believe we would resist it.

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Not we on the Left or you on the Right,

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but we who have no stake in the particular industries of culture that defined the twentieth century.

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Whether you are on the Left or the Right if you are in this sense disinterested, then the story I tell here will trouble you.

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For the changes I describe affect values that both sides of our political culture deem fundamental.

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We saw a glimpse of this bipartisan outrage in the early summer of 2003.

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As the FCC considered changes in media ownership rules that would relax limits on media concentration,

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an extraordinary coalition generated more than 700,000 letters to the FCC opposing the change.

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As William Safire described marching uncomfortably alongside CodePink Women for Peace and the National Rifle Association,between liberal Olympia Snowe and conservative Ted Stevens,

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he formulated perhaps most simply just what was at stake: the concentration of power.

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And as he asked,

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Does that sound unconservative? Not to me.

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he concentration of power - political, corporate, media, cultural - should be anathema to conservatives.

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The diffusion of power through local control, thereby encouraging individual participation, is the essence of federalism and the greatest expression of democracy.

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, is the essence of federalism and the greatest expression of democracy.

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This idea is an element of the argument of Free Culture, though my focus is not just on the concentration of power produced by concentrations in ownership,

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but more importantly, if because less visibly, on the concentration of power produced by a radical change in the effective scope of the law.

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The law is changing; that change is altering the way our culture gets made;

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that change should worry you - whether or not you care about the Internet,

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and whether you're on Safire's left or on his right.

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he inspiration* for the title and for much of the argument of this book comes from the work of Richard Stallman and the Free Software Foundation.

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Indeed, as I reread Stallman's own work, especially the essays in Free Software, Free Society,

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I realize that all of the theoretical insights I develop here are insights Stallman described decades ago.

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One could thus well argue that this work is merely derivative.

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I accept that criticism, if indeed it is a criticism.

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The work of a lawyer is always derivative, and I mean to do nothing more in this book than to remind a culture about a tradition that has always been its own.

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Like Stallman, I defend that tradition on the basis of values.

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Like Stallman, I believe those are the values of freedom.

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And like Stallman, I believe those are values of our past that will need to be defended in our future.

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A free culture has been our past, but it will only be our future if we change the path we are on right now.

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Like Stallman's arguments for free software,

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an argument for free culture stumbles on a confusion that is hard to avoid, and even harder to understand.

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A free culture is not a culture without property; it is not a culture in which artists don't get paid.

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A culture without property, or in which creators can't get paid, is anarchy, not freedom.

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Anarchy is not what I advance here.

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Instead, the free culture that I defend in this book is a balance between anarchy and control.

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A free culture, like a free market, is filled with property.

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It is filled with rules of property and contract that get enforced by the state.

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But just as a free market is perverted if its property becomes feudal,

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so too can a free culture be queered by extremism in the property rights that define it.

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That is what I fear about our culture today.

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It is against that extremism that this book is written.


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Posted by ホビ`ル`タ` at 2011年08月28日 02:41